FRQM THE LIBRARY OF
TRINITY COLLEGE
.
LIFE AND LETTERS
OF
FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT
•JAN \
TO
J&ofljer
I REVERENTLY OFFER
THIS BOOK
PREFACE
THE subject of this Memoir was little known outside
the world of scholars ; and his published work could
give but a partial view of the man, while in him the
man was more even than the scholar. A scholar's life
contains little of outward incident, and it has been my
endeavour to tell the story of my father's life so far
as possible in his own words. In all that he wrote his
real self is shown, and nowhere more than in his letters.
Hence this book may perhaps justify itself, if it enables
the voice of a man who was interested in such a
variety of subjects, and who spoke always with such
' singular sincerity,' to reach beyond the limited circle
of those who were privileged to know him in life.
For the earlier years at least the epistolary material
is enough, I think, to give a very fair portraiture.
In later years his letters became inevitably fewer
and shorter, but in all cases I have not scrupled to
insert letters which, whatever their subjects, help
to show what the writer was, as well as what he
did and thought. I should add perhaps that in his
letters he was wont to express his opinions with con
siderable freedom ; he would unburden himself to a
viii FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT
friend with a remarkable absence of the reserve which
otherwise characterised his utterances. For this very
reason it would not be right to give to the world
without a caution views which he never meant for
publication ; moreover, his letters, even of undergradu
ate days, often show a maturity of thought and expres
sion which is apt to make one forget the writer's age.
In the brief narrative which accompanies the selec
tion of correspondence, I have aimed generally at little
more than filling up with necessary dates and facts the
story presented in the letters. For obvious reasons a
critical biography could not be part of my plan, and,
if my narrative is more than necessarily jejune, it is
because I have tried so far as possible to avoid a tone
of eulogy which would have been very unfitting, and
which my father would vehemently have deprecated —
if indeed he would have approved of his life being
written at all. I am conscious, however, that I have not
altogether succeeded in keeping the balance ; I could
wish that this were the only shortcoming in the
execution of a task which has been one of considerable
difficulty as well as of extreme delight. I have quoted
freely from the words, written or printed, of others,
especially in cases where I could claim no special
knowledge, or where it was difficult for a son to adopt
the necessary * detachment ' of attitude.
To all such, and to very many others, named or
unnamed in these pages, I am deeply indebted ;
especially to the Bishop of Durham, for the generous
freedom which he has allowed me in the use of his
PREFACE
IX
letters ; to Mrs. Ellerton, for invaluable help of the
same kind ; to Professor Ryle, who, to his numerous
other acts of devotion to my father's name, has added
that of reading the proofs and giving me his counsel ;
and above all, to one without whose constant aid I
could not have attempted this book.
I desire also to thank Miss J. Craig for clerical assist
ance, given in a manner and in a spirit on which my
father himself would have bestowed the praise of
'guileless workmanship.'
HARROW-ON-THE-HILL, November 1895.
CONTENTS
CHAPTER I
PARENTAGE AND CHILDHOOD
1828-1841.
PAGE
I
RUGBY
CHAPTER II
1841-1846. Age 13-18.
18
CHAPTER III
CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE .
1846-1850. Age 18-22.
CHAPTER IV
LIDGE: GRADUATE LIFE
1851-1857. Age 22-29.
40
170
ST. IPPOLYTS .
CHAPTER V
1857-1863. Age 29-35.
356
CHAPTER I
PARENTAGE AND CHILDHOOD
1828-1841
'ENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT was born at Dublin
the 23rd of April 1828. His father, Fenton Hort, was the
grandson of Josiah Hort, who is the earliest of the name
of whom any record is preserved. Josiah's father lived
at Marshfield, near Bath, but that is the solitary fact in
his history handed down to his descendants. His son,
of whom an account is given in the Dictionary of National
Biography, was brought up as a Nonconformist, and
was a schoolfellow and lifelong friend of Isaac Watts,1
who spoke of him as " the first genius in the academy,"
viz. an academy for Nonconformist ministers to which
they both belonged. Hort conformed after a time to
the Church of England, and went to Clare College,
Cambridge ; in 1 709 he crossed to Ireland as chap
lain to Earl Wharton, the Lord -Lieutenant. Lord
Wharton's chaplain presently obtained a parish, whence
he rose, through the deaneries of Cloyne and Ardagh,
and two bishoprics, of Ferns and Leighlin, and of Kil-
more and Ardagh, to be Archbishop of Tuam. He
enjoyed some repute as a preacher, and a volume of his
1 See Milner's Life of Dr. Watts (Cambridge, 1834).
VOL. I B
2 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP.
sermons " on practical subjects " went through several
editions. He is said to have been the last magnate
who ate his dinner from a wooden trencher. Dean
Swift made a violent attack upon him in a satirical
poem ; the rise of the English clergyman was apparently
unpopular in Ireland, and he had to contend with much
opposition. Swift, however, became afterwards so far
friendly that he procured for Hort (or Horte, as he
sometimes spelt his name) the publication of a satire
on the prevalence of the game of quadrille in society.
He was disabled from preaching by an overstrain of the
voice some years before he became Archbishop. In the
preface to his sermons he uses his own experience to
point a warning to " all young preachers whose organs
of speech are tender." The secret, he says, of public
speaking lies " in finding out the right key." He depre
cates loudness and vehemence, and concludes with the
remark : " Experience shows that a moderate Degree
of Voice, with a proper and distinct Articulation, is
better understood in all Parts of a Church than a
Thunder of Lungs that is rarely distinct, and never
agreeable to the Audience." The sermons themselves
are expressed in simple and dignified language ; indeed
the English is perhaps better than the divinity. The
author shows an anxiety to interpret the Bible in a
manner " agreeable to the Principles of Philosophy and
Morality," and he displays some ingenuity in the
attempt ; for instance, when he explains the doctrine of
Original Sin by the suggestion that the tree of which
Adam ate contained in its juice a " slow poison which,
being incorporated with the Blood of our first Parents,
might in a natural course be transfused through the
Veins of all their Posterity, and carry with it irregular
Desires and Passions, as well as Diseases and Death,"
i PARENTAGE AND CHILDHOOD 3
This somewhat startlingly literal exegesis is illustrated
by reference to " a Tree in our American colonies (the
Manchineel Tree) that bears a very beautiful apple, which
yet has poisoned many." The author is perhaps more
fortunate in his practical discourses, one of which is
entitled, " Great knowledge no excuse for neglecting to
hear sermons," while another contains a rather forcible
protest against duelling : " I could therefore wish," he
concludes, " that our gallant spirits would consider these
Things when Affronts are broiling in their Stomachs,
and their Blood is kindling to draw the Sword for an
ill-chosen or ill-understood Word."
The Archbishop died in 1751. In his will he
exhorted his children to carry out his intentions in their
obvious sense, " without having recourse to law and the
subtilty of lawyers " ; in case of difficulty, he desires
them to refer the question to " the decision of persons
of known probity and wisdom, this being not only the
most Christian, but the most prudent and cheap and
summary way of deciding all differences."
He had married the Lady Elizabeth Fitzmaurice,
daughter of the Lord of Kerry ; their second son,
John, married the daughter of Sir Fitzgerald Aylmer,
of Donadea, who belonged to a branch of the Butler
family ; moreover, two of the Archbishop's daughters
married into the Caldwell and Coghill families respec
tively, so that not many years after Josiah's migration
the Horts had established a fair claim to be considered
Irish.
John Hort was appointed in 1767 Consul-General
at Lisbon, and was made a baronet the same year. He
was sent out by Lord Lansdowne as a trusted semi-
political agent, and it appears that the Government and
the English ambassador were often annoyed because
4 FENTQN JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP.
earlier information was thus obtained than they could
themselves command. Attempts were made to detain
him in England, but he spent thirty years in Portugal,
and then retired on a pension. An estate in Co. Kildare,
called Hortland, came to him on the death of his elder
brother. If one may judge of him by a fine portrait,
he was a man of considerable power. He is said to
have been of peculiar temperament, and something of a
martinet.
Sir John had three sons and two daughters. The
third son, Fen ton, who was the father of the subject
of this memoir, was educated at Westminster School
and at Trinity College, Cambridge, where he obtained
a scholarship. He was one of the original members of
the Union Debating Society, which was founded in
1815, and temporarily suppressed by authority in
1817, W. Whewell being at the time president and C.
Thirlwall secretary.
In 1830, four years after his marriage to Anne
Collett, daughter of a Suffolk clergyman, and descended,
I believe, from Dean Colet, Fenton Hort bought a
house near Dublin, called Leopardstown ; it was
delightfully situated at the foot of the Three Rock
Mountain, with a view of Dublin Bay in front Here,
after his father's death, his mother lived with him for
part of the year ; the rest he spent at her house in
Merrion Square, Dublin.
At this house on St. George's Day, 1828, Fenton,
his eldest son, was born. When he was nine years
old, his father sold Leopardstown, and migrated to
Cheltenham, after a temporary residence at Kelsall
Hall, lent him by Mr. Collett, and a short stay at
Boulogne, where Fenton at the age of ten was sent
to his first school. His master, a Mr. Bird, in December
PARENTAGE AND CHILDHOOD
1838 reported of his pupil as "by far more industrious
and advanced than any of his class-fellows ; in fact, he
renders all the rest lazy since they all depend on him
for ' the construe.' " He was then about to begin
" Homer and Xenophon's Anabasis with Horace or
Virgil and Cicero." At Cheltenham Mr. Fenton Hort
resided in various houses till 1851, his mother living
with him till her death in 1843. The move from
Leopardstown was made rather suddenly, and my
father was never in Ireland again till he went to Dublin
in 1888 to receive an honorary degree from the
University. On this occasion, after the lapse of over
fifty years, he drew overnight from memory a plan of
the house and grounds at Leopardstown, which he the
next day compared with the reality, and found to be
completely accurate. Of his early years there and at
Cheltenham it is unfortunately impossible to recover
more than a fragmentary account. He used to look
back to the Leopardstown home and days with the
most loving recollection, especially when across a time
of grievous troubles that earliest period stood out as
one of peculiar peace and happiness. Many years later,
in describing the Fellows' garden at Trinity, he dwelt
with a special delight on the flowers, the blue Apennine
anemone and the scented Daphne Cneorum, which he
associated with favourite nooks in the beautiful old Irish
garden.
School letters show the kind of relation which
existed between Fenton and the rest of the home
circle. Of the father no truer description could be
given than that contained in a touching letter1 written
by his eldest son to his own children in 1878. His
quiet, unostentatious, unselfish nature comes back to
1 See vol. ii. pp. 198-201.
6 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP.
those who knew it with almost a regret, as if its beauty,
even by reason of its own self-forgetfulness, had been at
the time but half realised. He had no profession, but
was always a busy man. In the Irish days he was
much occupied with the administration of the Poor Law,
and with many other kindred things. In Cheltenham
he took up the same kind of work, visited a great
deal among the poor, and had a considerable share
in the establishment of the Cheltenham Proprietary
College, of which he became a governor. The same
unobtrusive devotion was shown in the direction of
his own household, where a strict regime prevailed,
and all were expected to conform to the rules of the
house. Towards his children he was all gentleness
and tenderness, though his training of them, like their
mother's, was based on implicit obedience. Though
not demonstrative in showing affection, he was a man
who loved much and felt much ; the past, especially
the past of his own family, was constantly with him.
He was a most tender son to the mother who shared
his home till her death ; the loss of his sister at an
early age was a calamity whose effect had not worn
off at the very end of his life. He treasured little
memorials of those whom he had lost with almost
womanly care. One characteristic at least he be
queathed to his son, a fastidious love of order and
method. This trait is curiously illustrated by the
numerous ingeniously contrived cardboard boxes, still
extant, and sometimes of the oddest shapes, which
he delighted to make ; his wife called them his ' con
traptions.' In a word, he was thoroughly domestic ;
home to him was everything, and the home life was
a real society. Parents and children spent long
evenings together after six -o'clock dinner, and the
PARENTAGE AND CHILDHOOD 7
father frequently read aloud, Scott being perhaps the
favourite author. This custom survived long after all
the children were grown up.
The mother, who, unconsciously perhaps, was the
real controlling force of the household, was a woman
of great mental power, which she brought to bear on
every detail of daily life. She had been extremely
well educated, so far as the opportunities of that day
allowed ; in English especially her training had been
sound, and she could always express herself easily and
gracefully ; both in writing and in speaking she used
words in the most exact manner. Her education had
given her the thoroughness and scrupulous accuracy
which she transmitted to her son. She grasped firmly
whatever she took in hand and mastered any book
which she read. Her reading was not wide, but she
was interested in current literature of the more serious
sort, such as biographies and books of travel. Her
religious feelings were deep and strong. Circumstances
had made her an adherent of the Evangelical school,
and she was to a certain degree hampered by it ; the
Oxford Movement filled her with dread and anxiety
as to its possible effect on her son. She was unable
to enter into his theological views, which to her school
and generation seemed a desertion of the ancient
ways ; thus, pathetically enough, there came to be a
barrier between mother and son. The close inter
course on subjects which lay nearest to the hearts of
each was broken, to the loss and sorrow of both.
His love and veneration for his mother remained
unimpaired, and his letters to her show his delicate
consideration for her different point of view ; but it is
sad that he should have had to recognise that the
point of view was different. She studied and knew her
8 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP.
Bible well, and her own religious life was most carefully
regulated. She had a fine ear for music, and it was
a rare pleasure to hear her read aloud. Her spirits
were naturally high, and she faced the ordinary ups
and downs of life with cheerful courage ; but ill-health,
brought on probably by the loss, within a few months,
of two of her children, robbed her of her natural
brightness and caused often painful depression. In
bringing up her children she was strong enough to
be able to combine the enforcement of very strict
domestic discipline with close sympathy in all childish
ways and interests. The very keynote of her character
was truthfulness ; untruth in any shape was her ab
horrence. Almost equally characteristic was her
hatred of all half performance. " I hate mediocrity "
was one of her many favourite sayings. It is easy to
understand how straight, under such guidance, the path
of duty became to her children ; the daily tasks must
be learnt and said, and nothing might stand in the
way. There is a story of her sitting with her eldest
son on a roll of carpet during some ' flitting ' of the
family, and going through the appointed lessons, with
which no temporary discomfort could be allowed to
interfere. Yet she was no Spartan mother ; strength
of will and inflexibility of purpose did not make her,
any more than they made her son, incapable of ten
derness. It is difficult to analyse such a character.
This sketch must suffice to indicate the nature of her
influence on her family. To her it is evident that in
a great degree her son owed his absolute truthfulness
of soul, uprightness of character, and overmastering
sense of duty ; and not least, the deep trust in God
which he inherited from her own courageous convic
tion, and which was strengthened by her careful
PARENTAGE AND CHILDHOOD 9
religious training. This was based upon a close
study of the Bible, of the children's knowledge of
which in quite early years records remain which might
astonish many older children. The effects of such
training were very deep and lasting, however much
particular theological opinions were modified in later
years ; the simple piety and reverential spirit which
passed from mother to son remained unaffected by
time and experience.
At the time of the move from Ireland there were
four children — two girls and two boys ; the second boy,
Arthur, was three years Fenton's junior ; his sisters,
Margaret and Catharine, were born in 1830 and 1833
respectively. A third daughter, Josephine, was born
at Boulogne in 1838, but died at the age of three.
This was the beginning of trouble. Only five months
later Arthur, a child whose sweetness of disposition
and bright intelligence impress one wonderfully even in
the slight records of his short life, died from the after
effects of measles. His loss had the profoundest effect
on his brother. The series of diaries which he kept from
1842 to 1892 is broken only once, and that during a
period of two and a half years from Arthur's death.
The family having settled in Cheltenham, Fenton
was sent in the spring of 1839, being then just eleven
years old, to the well-known preparatory school of the
Rev. John Buckland at Laleham, where he stayed till
the end of the following year. Mr. Buckland laid
great stress on accurate grammatical knowledge, and
required rules of syntax to be learnt by heart, but he
mentions in a letter to Mr. Fenton Hort that he does
not any longer insist on \heproprta quae maribus or
the as in praesenti being committed to memory. The
learning of large quantities of Latin verse was in
io FENTON TQHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP.
vogue at Laleham, as at Rugby, the first two books of
the odes of Horace, for instance, being set as a ' prize-
task ' to boys of twelve or thirteen. Mr. Buckland's
first regular report of Fenton speaks of him as " a very
promising pupil," and says that there is no doubt of
his becoming " a first-rate scholar." A year later he
speaks in even higher terms, and he does not seem to
have been a man who shrank from giving true reports
to the parents. At the age of twelve and a half the
boy had apparently been well grounded in Classics,
Algebra, and the first three books of Euclid. Mr.
Buckland's chief complaint was that he wanted more
taste for games. At the time of his leaving Laleham
he predicts a distinguished future as the certain out
come of his " indefatigable perseverance and foundation
of good scholarship." When asked by Mr. Hort to
point out any flaws in the boy's character, he mentions
that he has heard of him as somewhat overbearing
with other boys, a characteristic which assuredly was
not permanent. Of his home letters from Laleham
unfortunately none have been preserved, but a delight
ful picture of the relations between the brothers is
given by Arthur's letters of the year 1840, when he
was eight to nine years old ; and the parents' letters
add something to the impression. It is difficult to
make out at this distance of time what they thought of
their eldest son ; it is certain that they recognised his
ability and force of character, and it is equally certain
that they never put him forward or in any way made
a show of him. Separate copies of Fenton's letters
from school and of extracts from his reports were made
by the father for himself and his wife, and preserved in
neat cases made by his own hand.
Fenton seems very early to have established a sort
PARENTAGE AND CHILDHOOD n
of ascendancy at home. Probably the characteristic
which chiefly impressed those around him was his
force. Definiteness of purpose and unswerving, almost
stern, rectitude of conduct seem terms hardly appli
cable to childhood, but it is evident that in some such
unusual ways he stood out as a marked child among
those of his own age. It is likely that he was not a
favourite with other children generally, and it is the
more pleasant to observe how entirely he and his
brother understood each other ; and the scores of
playful letters which his sister Kate wrote to him help
to show that he was regarded at home with respect,
but not with distant respect ; yet one gathers that
even there he was looked up to with a feeling not
far removed from fear, as a being of character some
what alarmingly strong and unyielding. Yet the
sweetness of disposition, which was perhaps the most
conspicuous side of his character to those who learnt
to know him in his latest years, is discernible in his
earliest letters, in which moreover nothing comes out
so clearly as his thorough boyishness. On the sunny
side of his disposition he had much in common with
his brilliant and delightful younger sister (afterwards
Mrs. Garnons Williams), who survived him but a
month. No picture of him as he was in those days
has survived, but he is said to have been singularly
beautiful as a little child ; his wonderful blue eyes,
which spoke eloquently of the vigorous life within,
particularly impressed all those who came across
him. One of the very few who can remember him
as a child recalls that " he was so fond of reading
that he generally buried himself in some nook with a
book, and his mother often laughed at his gravity and
studious habits. He was reserved and silent, always
12 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP.
kind and amiable in manner, and unselfish, but we all
were surprised at the way he came out in conversation ;
as a young man he could talk on any topic, and his
company was a real treat."
FROM HIS BROTHER, ARTHUR JOSIAH HORT (AGED 8J)1
FARNLEY LODGE, Wenesday, February iqth, 1840.
[CHELTENHAM]
Dearest Fenton — I was very glad to hear from you. I
want to know what was the name of the room in which you
sleep. I have begun Greek with Mr. Kershaw I shall say
to-day Ttpy I think that the caracters are rather easy and
that the funnyist small letter is Xi £. I have nearly finished
the As in praesenti. I am not going to do any more of it.
You have had Arnold's Greek Exercises before havenot you ?
but not done them. As to being out of Ellirs I do not
wonder because you have been at them a long time ever
since you were with the 2d Mr. Smith. I saw on a board
that there would be a steeplechase on April ist. Papa thinks
it is an April fool. I forgot to tell you that Mr. Kershaw has
begun to give me marks such as Bene, Optime. to-day I
had my first one it was Bene.
Was Priestley at all hurt when he knocked his head against
the wall ? is he older than the former Priestley ? Madmoiselle
Gobet sends her compliments to you and told me not to for
get to remember you not to forget her. You have the same
for your Prize-task as you thought you would have. I have
given up the Elegy written in a Country Churchyard because
it is so long and so mournful that I cannot learn it so
quick as another thing however I intend learning another
thing I have not fixed upon one yet. Do you intend
going on with Henry 4t.h's Soliloquy on sleep. Do you
know what Stone will have for his Prize-task or wether it is
true that he is going away I have redd most of " Lamb's Tales
from Shakspeare." I think Puck was a funny fellow in the
Midsummer's night dream.
1 The boys' letters in this and the next chapter are printed with the
original spelling and punctuation.
PARENTAGE AND CHILDHOOD
Grandmamma told us a funny story of old Catty who
was a servant of Lady Aylmer. Catty begged to sleep in a
little room that was not in the house but near the Garden
stove, after a few nights Catty came to Lady Aylmer and
begged to be taken back to sleep in the house she said she
heard the Fairies go by crying Quis Quis Quis Quis Miss
Sharland Mag Kit Nurse and Lucy all send their love to you
Goodbye dear Fenton and Believe me your ever affectionate
Brother, A. J. HORT.
Post-Script. — Excuse Bad writing blots mistakes etcr-
FROM HIS BROTHER
FARNLEY LODGE, February 2$fk, 1840.
Dearest Fenton — I think you asked me in your last letter
but one if I ever played cricket with Nurse I never play it
now. We have had several falls of snow since you went to
Laleham but the snow has all melted away. You said you
hoped I like Greek I like it very much. I did not know that
you ever had the mark Melius. I do not wonder that you
are surprised at our going on with Mdle. Gobet. Our quarter
is up but we are to have 8 lessons more though only on
Wenesdays. As to Greek I know all the caracters pretty
well ?; and //, sadly puzzle me they are so much akin. When
will you begin learning your Prize-task ? I have looked at that
board since and I am afraid it is not an April fool as it is
annual. I found the tracts you gave me I showed Mr.
Kershaw your Musae Musam eating Rasberry jam and he
laughed heartily at it. If you like that when a magazine
comes I should send you the heads of the index I will do so
if not tell me in your next letter. I hope when you say your
Prize-task you will say it without a mistake I have fixed upon
Cowper's tithe paying here it is
1 VERSE
Now all unwecome at his gate
the clumsy swains alight
with rueful faces and bald pates
he trembles at the sight
2 VERSE
i4 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP.
I will not give you any more of it except one verse because I
daresay you know it. 5th verse.
one wipes his nose upon his
sleeve one spits upon the floor
yet not to give offence or grieve
holds up the cloth before.
I think Cowper must have had some very funny ideas in his
head when he wrote it.
FROM HIS BROTHER
FARLEY LODGE, April i$th, 1840.
Dearest Fenton — As it is my turn to write to you I must
scribble a few lines. We have not been to the royal wells for
a week so I cannot tell about the Cockeys our gardens are
in pretty good order. We got this morning 4 Sweetwilliams
4 pinks 4 Phyollox and 4 Polyanthuses plants one each and
i of them for you. Papa and Mamma gave them to us. As
to Greek I am learning the Adjectives I will send you a small
plan of our gardens here it is. ... Here is a little note from
Kit. Wednesday Dear Jim Crow I have finished " Le
premier pas " and learnt " Leiber Augustin " " the Guaracha "
and the " national Russian waltz " and a few other tunes.
Goodbye. C. Hort.
My seeds are nasturtium, Mignionette Coronella Secunda
Lord Anson's peas Sweet pea and Major Convolvolus. Mag
mistook a little about the Zoologicals there were 3 sea eagles
instead of 2 no grand show of birds among the stuffed I noticed
the following —
Sacred Ibis, Gulls, Stork, White owl, Spoonbill and a couple
of stuffed monkeys not in a case As to living there were few
birds there were however some cockeys canarys bul and
Chaf-inches parrots and piping crow from New Holland as
also a few doves Golden pheasants, common pheasants and
foreign and common partridges. The east India people are
silent for the present The Chinese are irruptious as the last
accounts said there was a naval engagement. there are a
good many men of war lying about Chili. I think they ought
to say "We will lick you if we can" instead of "We will
lick you " — but they have said neither but I hope, they
will make peace. Babsy sends you 60 kisses, and Meg or
rather Peg with a wooden leg Kit Charles Baby's pap mum
and Gander all send their loves to you. Goodbye dearest
Sen and believe me your ever affectionate Brother,
ARTHUR JOSIAH HORT.
To ARTHUR JOSIAH HORT FROM HIS MOTHER
Friday, September \%>th [1840].
My dearest Arthur — I was very glad to receive a letter
from you, and to hear about your garden, etc. ; it makes me
feel not quite so far from you all as I really am ; I very often
think of what you are doing. . . . The outside of the house
at Haveningham is so completely altered, I should not have
known it for my dear old home. I have not seen the inside,
for Mrs. Owen is too unwell to admit visitors ; I should like
to see it. — We must think often of the many mansions of our
Heavenly Father's House, and, my darling, how happy it will
be if we all meet there ; not one missing, of all our household
here ; then we shall care no more what home we had in this
world, than we care now what sort of cradle we were rocked
in. — So let us all press forward !
To FENTON J. A. HORT FROM HIS BROTHER ARTHUR
[In late summer 1840]
FARNLEY LODGE, Friday, 2$th.
My dearest Fenton — I took the first opportunity to write
to you. None of the seeds you mentioned are ripe but there
are 3 seeds of Nasturtium ripe that pod of sweet pea of
yours that we thought was nearly ripe is rotten Harry came
to play with me on Sat. in the afternoon and both came in
the even came here on thursday 2oth he is not
a nice boy. he often swears. I am afraid I have lost my
trap bat. goes to Mr. Kershaws school. Mr. Ker-
shaw calls him a rum chap I can't say I like him I will give
you what he swore to me the other day " Upon my honour
Upon my soul I swear if the bible was here Id kiss it and
1 6 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP.
swear " I was quite shocked at all he swore on Saturday — I
hope he wont do so again He does not play cricket by rule
He bowled to me overhand when I was not ready without
saying play hit my wicket and said I was out I told him I was
not but would go out he said he had seen many bigger boys
play so. ... Goodbye dear Fenton and believe me your
most affectete Brother ARTHUR HORT.
(P. — S. — I am in a hurry as Miss Sharland is going to the
Royall wellls and I must go after Her I wrote as well as I
could.)
FROM THE SAME. [In Autumn 1840]
FARNLEY LODGE, Friday.
Dearest Fenton — . . . is a getting a little bit better.
He used the other day nevertheless this expression By holy,
Go to hell, The Devil take you and an ilnatured expression
though it does no harm to me Woe betide you. I pretended
to lick him the other day but did not really strike him but he
pretended his nose bled however I knew it was only nonsense
for I literally touched his nose with the back of my hand but
pray do not say a word about what I tell you of him in your
letters. He generally gets naughty and Miss Sharland says
she will give him a dose of castor oil which soon sends him
away All send their love I have nothing more to say so
goodbye dearest Fenton and believe me your most affectionate
Brother ARTHUR HORT.
P. — S. — I have sent you a long letter.
FROM THE SAME. [In Autumn 1840]
FARNLEY LODGE, Friday, 30^ [Oct. (?)].
Dearest Fenton — I have lots to tell you. ... I begun a
Greek Delectus to-day with Mr. Kershaw There are several
great boxes of books come from poor old Leopardstown and
also Grandmamma's poor old stools and chairs worked and
My china French poodle dog like a lion and lamb, resting on
a mound with red flowers, and some little affairs of yours.
There are 5 Lectures being delivered at the Philosopic
institution by Dr. Cantor. The first is "The intellectual
PARENTAGE AND CHILDHOOD
faculties. Consciousness. Conception. Memory. Improvement
of Memory. Imagination. Asbstraction. Judgement, — Reason
Lecture 2d Theory of sleep dreaming singular pophetic
dream's. Fallacy of the senses. Apparitions, — Ghosts. Lec
ture 3d Sleep walking, — sleep talking, Animal magnetism in
Germany France and England various modes of Magnetism
Effects produced Animal Magnetism as a curative Agent.
These three have been delivered already. I will tell you the
rest in my next letter. — Goodbye Dearest Fenton and believe
me your ever affecte brother ARTHUR HORT.
P. — S. — Don't think I foraget Christmas.
FROM HIS BROTHER
FARNLEY LODGE, Friday {November 1840 (?)].
My dearest Fenton. — As it is now again Friday I write to
you. I have got 3 of Aconitum Versicolor which I think is
the same as Eranthis Hyemalis or Golden Ball I got them
at Jessop's as Megg's had nothing of the sort, for 2d. a piece
I had a good deal of difficulty in making the men understand
what I wanted for they did not know it under the name of
" Eranthis Hyemalis " but from their description I think it is
the same. I have got \ of 100 of snowdrops for 9d. most of
them being double, they are 35. a hundred. You tell me I
said Vous voyera. then certainly it was a great mistake ! and
I must have been asleep when I wrote it ! and I felt quite
ashamed of myself for it you are right about your guess about
" Fire-Glass-pictures " it is a rather larger one than yours in
Dublin and has 12 slides. I will provide materials for "a
Royal salute for the triumph over the air " I must tell you I
have cut out and dug a bed in this ;:hape. . . . You must
understand that it is larger than this and so also the other
beds that I " Dutchly " drew in the last letter I am in Page
3 in the Greek delectus it is not Valpy's but a Mr. Priest's.
I intend to edge my bed with lattice work of little switches
mind there is plenty of room between it and your garden.
VOL. I
CHAPTER II
RUGBY
1841-1846. Age 13-18.
HORT entered Rugby in October 1841 as a member
of the Rev. Charles Anstey's house, the house to which
Arthur Stanley had belonged. The names of H. J. S.
Smith, W. H. Waddington, and J. B. Mayor are
among the entries for the same half-year. G. G. Brad-
ley's school career had just come to an end, and John
Conington was the most distinguished boy in the Sixth
Form. It appears that there was not room for Hort
the term after his leaving Laleham, and that fever in
the town of Rugby delayed the opening of the second
* half ' of the year ; he was therefore at home from
January to October 1841, for the last two months of
which period he went as a day-boy to Cheltenham
College together with his brother. At Rugby he was
placed in the Upper Division of the Middle Fifth, his
house-master's own form ; the form next above was
taken by the Rev. G. E. L. Cotton, afterwards suc
cessively Master of Marlborough College and Bishop of
Calcutta ; next came the Twenty under Mr. Bonamy
Price, and then the Sixth Form. Mr. Anstey's first
report speaks of Hort as very promising but not strong
in composition. He occupied at first a room with
AGE 13
RUGBY
W. J. and A. H. Bull and another boy, and in his
second term moved into a study with his cousin
Joscelyn Coghill. His home letters of this time have
not been preserved, with the exception of those to his
brother, which were doubtless specially treasured by
the parents after Arthur's untimely death. The first
of the following series is dated ten days after the
writer's first arrival at Rugby.
To HIS BROTHER
Arturo Hort impudentessimo
Chel. Prop. Colleg. M.
Castigari bene merenti
Cujus nomen sine horrore nunquam vocabo.
RUGBY, Lawrence Sheriff's Day [October 20, 1841].
Dearest Arthur — You must not think that I have forgotten
you, because I have not written to you before, but all my time
here is split into so many shreds, here half an hour, there
another half hour, that I cannot sit writing long. First, to
answer your questions. As to the snowdrops, give me two,
and the rest of you two apiece. As to the little round bed,
enquire the price of the small spring tulips, which, with a few
more winter aconites will, I think, be enough for it, but before
you buy any tulips tell me the price of them. It will not be
time for two or three weeks to plant either them or those
which you have got already, of which you must tell me the
number. For the large bed, I think it would be as well to
get a chrysanthemum or two, if they are cheap ; if not it will
do very well as it is. I think you had better take in the clove
carnation. I wish you would enquire at Hodge's or any of
the gardeners', whether it will be better to cut down the
verbenas, and if so, do it, but I never heard of their being
cut down when they are taken in, or at all events, when they
are quite young plants and have no wood Divide the remain
ing aconites and crocuses equally between you three. I wish
you would buy about a quarter of a hundred ranunculuses.
Well now for my affairs. I like Rugby extremely, better even
20 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, n
than the C. P. C.,1 for it is not so monotonous. Old B
is something like Judd, only a great deal taller. Young B —
is like young Bubb, only more fat-faced. Poles is the most
extraordinary creature I ever saw, his face is like this. . . .2
His nose covers his mouth, but he is full of fun, and is always
making puns. One of the boys told me the other day a riddle,
the solution of which I must leave to you. " Why are you
not at all a donkey's tail ? " We are not at all pedantic as you
are for instead of your fine Latin " Adsum," we have our good
old English " Here." My examination Extras (Mamma will
tell you what they are) are Classics, 520 lines of the (Ed.
Tyr. of Sophocles.
Lines, last 2 odes of ist and whole of 2nd Book of Horace.
Divinity. 14, 15, 16, and 17 chap, of Gospel of John by
heart.
Mod. Lang. German. 4 pages of Schiller.
Mathemat. 3 books of Euclid.
History. The account of the 2nd Punic War in Keightley's
Rome.
I enclose you the list of our lessons ; written very badty,
but I am hurried. Tell Lucy that I put in my own candles,
and sweep my study myself. I have enclosed to you in
Gran's letter a view of the school, for your scrap-book.
Goodbye. Give my love to every one not forgetting Miss
Sharland and believe me your ever affectionate brother,
FENTON J. A. HORT.
I should write more, if I had time, but I shall soon write
again. Over the door of the chapel is written ev^pdvOrjv tirl
rot? tlprjKoo-iv /xot Ets OIKOV Kvpiov 7ropeTxro//,e$a. I leave it
to you to translate it.
To HIS BROTHER
RUGBY, November ^rd, 1841.
Dearest Arthur — I wish you would write if you have time,
if not dont. FENTON J. A. HORT.
I am very cruel only to send you this scrap but I have no
time, love to the girls, Miss G. and all.
1 i.e. Cheltenham Proprietary College. 2 Drawing inserted.
AGE 13
RUGBY
21
To HIS BROTHER
RUGBY, November ivth, 1841.
My dearest Arthur — Most sorry am I to hear all the bad l
news from Farnley Lodge, especially about poor Meg : you
indeed are now in a sad condition but (here goes another
quotation) "Trero/xat 8 eATrwrtv, OUT' tvOdS opwv, OUT' OTTIO-O)."
Now if you are able to make that out, you will be able to
do two lines of one of Sophocles's Choruses. By the bye, with
regard to that other cwfrpdv&qv I was cheerful IT™ rots at those
eiprjKoa-w saying pot to me, or as our translation has it, " I was
glad when they said unto me," etc. The answer to the riddle
is not a very polite one, but I must give it : " because you are
no end of an ass."
I wish you would answer me the questions that I asked
about the prices of roots, etc., in a former letter, as it is now
full time to plant them. We have now hard frosts here, but
as you may suppose, no ice yet. . . . — I remain your most
affectionate brother FENTON J. A. HORT.
H. Anstey has a little Electrical machine which he made
himself, and I intend to make one like it in the Holidays. It
is a Cylinder one made with an immense bottle.
To HIS BROTHER
RUGBY, Satdy, November i$tht 1841.
My dearest Brother — I was very glad to get a letter from
you, though sorry to hear such a bad account of all at home,
but I hope the next account will be better. I amuse myself
a good deal with young Anstey's Electrical machine, and I
hope with but very little trouble to make one or two, when I
get home. I enclose you some wax spun on paper by means
of it. If I had the money, I would buy a Galvanic battery,
for they are only 25. 6d, but I have not, but I hope to do so
at some future time. . . . Your translation is very fair : more
freely " And I am flying on the wings of hope, looking neither
close to me nor backwards." It is an expression of hope, that
1 Scarlet fever at home.
22 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, n
one is raised on the air by it, and one does not regard either
the past or the present, but only looks forward to the future.
About the praepostors you know each boy has his particular
place in the form, and by losing two places, I mean that the
two boys below him are put above him, which among boys of
17 or 1 8 is a very great disgrace. I must now give you
some account of the way of doing marks in our form.
There are 35 boys in the form (in one of the forms there
are 58 ! !) and you know it would be impossible to give
them all a piece to construe in the same lesson, so Mr.
Anstey calls up as many as he can indiscriminately : the
highest mark that can be got for a lesson is 40, and those
who are not called up get the average 20. Now by these
marks I have been called up 33 times and my marks are
. . . altogether 1158. This does not include marks for
exercises, or * vulguses ' for which I generally get much less.
The highest mark for copies is 100, but the marks for them
are not given out yet. I do not think I have anything more
to say, except to ask you not to forget to write as often as you
can, now that you have plenty of spare time. Give my
kindest love to every one in the house, and believe me to be,
dearest Arthur, your most affectionate brother,
FENTON J. A. HORT.
P.S. — I should have plenty to tell you, if I knew where to
begin, therefore I wish you would ask me some questions.
To HIS BROTHER
RUGBY, Wednesday, November i*jth [1841].
My dearest Arthur — I got your letter yesterday, but did
not write, until to-day's afternoon's post, in hopes of finding
intelligence from Cheltenham, but found none. I wish you
would ask Mamma to send me every day a letter on a telegraph
Newspaper, and I hope to have better news to hear. I have
altogether including composition (for which I have 409)
2657 marks leaving me head of the form, where I now am,
safe and sound. 'Tommy,' viz. Dr. Arnold, told me and
Smith who is second that he would have * put us out,' viz.
promoted us to the 5th form, but it is so near the end of the
AGE 13 RUGBY 23
half, and there would be the bother of the double examinations,
but if I pass a good examination, which I hope to do, I shall
still have a good chance of being put out at the end of the
half. I have taken up all the extras. I have got notes on
the (Edipus Tyrannus, and I find them of great use to me.
The frost has been very hard for some days, and I suppose
there will be skating to-morrow. . . .
MTT r
To HIS BROTHER
RUGBY, November 22nd, 1841.
My dearest Arthur — I should have written before, but I
had nothing to say, however I do not like to delay any longer ;
I am delighted to hear that Papa is so much better, and I
hope Mamma is so too. . . .
I have bought several things for making the Electrical
machine : a bottle for the cylinder, bars of glass, and different
drugs required for making it, several of which I should find
difficult and dearer to get at Cheltenham.1 I do not think I
have anything more to say, but to give my best love and
wishes to all, and believe me your most affectionate brother,
FENTON J. A. HORT.
Write soon, and tell me about the roots and bulbs.
To HIS BROTHER
RUGBY, Satiirday, November 27^, 1841.
My dearest Arthur — As I have not written this week, I
did not like to let Saturday night pass without writing you a
few lines, though I am rather pressed for time, as I am more
backward with my extras than I could wish to be : however
I hope to know them all in time : I know three already ;
Classics, Lines, and History, and I know part of my Divinity
and German, but I have not looked at my Mathematics.
The Examination began on Wednesday, and I like it very
well ; most of the questions have been very easy : I write
1 This home-made battery is still extant, and was the delight of a
second generation of boys.
24 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, n
down in a book all the questions and my answers to them,
as I thought Papa might perhaps like to see them. The
Examination for Extras will begin, some say on Wednesday,
some on Friday, but I shall be prepared for Wednesday.
Stills are now the 'mania' here, and a great many of the
boys have them, but very simple ones being merely a retort
and receiver mounted on a stand, with a spirit-lamp. Tell
Papa that I have taken pains to follow his advice as to writing
the answers at the examination. Your snuff-box story I have
often heard before. With regard to the roots, I told you
about them in a letter about 6 weeks ago, and if you can
find it, all well and good, but if not, never mind getting any
more, as I do not remember them. . . .
I get confused with your verses so I will answer these of
yours, and another time I will tell you at once, and not leave
you to correct them, as it creates a great deal of confusion.
Give my best love to all, and fervent hopes and prayers that
all the invalids may be restored to health and spirits, and
believe me your affectionate brother,
FENTON J. A. HORT.
I wish you would always write your verses on a long
separate piece of paper, as you have done now, with the
quantities marked^ as I often have a great deal of trouble in
deciphering them.
To HIS BROTHER
RUGBY, Sattirday [November 1841 (?)].
My dearest Arthur — I write this to show you a sympathetic
ink which Joscelyn and I made. I have bought a couple of
pair of quoits, which are a very good amusement. Joscelyn
is going to set up his electrotype. Give my love to all and
believe me your affectionate brother,
FENTON J. A. HORT.
If you want any Prussian Blue, I will send you some I
made myself.
Dissolve the enclosed in a tablespoonful of water, dip a
clean paint brush in the solution and pass it over the paper,
when the writing will appear.
AGE 13
RUGBY
The above letters and the next series are given
almost entire, as they are the only ones which remain
to represent the interesting period from 1841 to 1845,
when the writer was thirteen to seventeen years old ; the
next glimpse we get of him in his own letters after
February 1842 is as a Sixth Form boy. In December
1841, near the end of Fenton's first half-year at
Rugby, his whole family were down with scarlet fever,
and his little sister, Louisa Josephine, the * Babsy ' of
the letters, died of it
To HIS BROTHER
,1 January $rd, 1842.
My dearest Arthur — I cannot open better than by wishing
all our dear ones many happy new years. Alas ! there is
one less than there was last New Year's Day. How mindful
should we be that in the midst of life, we are in death. But
I will no longer yield to these painful though profitable reflec
tions. I am very glad to hear that you are all so much
better, and I hope you will be able to answer my letter. I
am very happy here, though still I wish to be again among
you all. We danced in the New Year on Friday night. . . .
Bath has not such nice walks as Cheltenham. You may tell
Miss Sharland that my opinion of the far-famed Milsom St.
is that it is a common short street, with a few plate-glass
windows, and that this is the handsomest and most fashion
able city in England ! ! Piccadilly is the model of the real
Piccadilly 10,000 times ' Piccaninified.' The Abbey Church
and the Royal Crescent, and perhaps Pulteney St. are the
only things worth wasting one's stare on in the whole place.
I must not grumble at the continual sloppiness of the streets,
for it is certainly a fact that there can be no bath without
water. It is certainly, Caernarvon excepted, the least (instead
of, as it is said, the most) elegant town I ever saw, and its
1 He was at Bath for the Christmas holidays, to be out of the way of
infection.
26 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, n
hills are worse than Boulogne a great deal. I am now making
my Electrical Machine, and I have nearly finished it, but you
may tell Papa that I have not forgotten my lessons. Pray
give mine and Miss Curtis's kindest love to all of you in
Cheltenham, and elsewhere, and accept the same from your
most affectionate brother, FENTON J. A. HORT.
P.S. — Here is a conundrum for you of my own making.
" Why is a man who is conquered like an article of ladies'
work?"
To HIS BROTHER
BATH, February ^rd, 1842.
My dearest Arthur — I received your letter on Sunday.
Before I say anything more, I must wish Margaret many
happy returns of the 2nd. I finished my electrical machine
yesterday, but as I was cleaning it, some of the cement broke :
to-morrow, however, I shall probably set it to rights. ... I went
the other day to see Wombwell's Menagerie. There is a very
clever Elephant. When his Keeper said to him, " Supposing
you and I were travelling together in a foreign country, and I
were to be imprisoned in a castle, what would you do ? " the
elephant put up his trunk and unbarred the top door of his
cage. He then said, "Supposing you wanted to pay your
addresses to a young lady, what would you do ? " the elephant
took off the man's hat. He then begged one of the company
to lend him a piece of silver money, the keeper then put it
on the top bar, and told the elephant to give it to him, he did
so, he told him to lay it on the ground, he did so, he told
him to take it up again, and give it to the owner, he did so,
he told him to thank the gentleman, who was so kind as to
lend it to him, he gave a short grunt. He then told him to
show what a nice foot he had for a silk stocking ; he lifted up
his great paw, he told him to kneel down and thank the com
pany for looking at him, he did so and gave a grunt. This
elephant, whenever he wants more food, or to have his cage
cleaned out, rings a bell. The keeper also goes in among two
lions, a black tiger or jaguar, and six or seven leopards, plays
with them, kisses them, makes them all jump through a hoop,
which he holds up in the air, puts his head into the Lion's
AGE 13 RUGBY 27
mouth, and makes the leopards jump up on high shelves.
There are also, a Rhinoceros, Arni Bull, a Giraffe, Hyaenas,
laughing Hysenas, Racoons, Ichneumons, Coatimondis, Owlets,
Marmosettes, Monkeys, Lions, Tigers, panthers, Leopards,
Wolves, bears, Pelicans, Emus, Parrots, Macaws, Love Birds,
Boa Constrictors, an Armadillo, and many other animals
which I do not now remember. Aunt has given me The
Boy's Own Book, which contains a great many games, Leger
demain, Puzzles, Riddles, Chemistry, etc. I will now give
you some Riddles. . . .
If you cannot guess them, ask Mamma to try. Give my
kindest love to all at Farnley Lodge, and believe me your
most affectionate brother, FENTON J. A. HORT.
The two brothers saw little more of each other. In
March 1842 Arthur was taken very ill with measles,
and Fenton was fetched home from Rugby ; he also
fell a victim, but recovered in due course. Arthur was
also thought to be recovering, and the two boys had a
few last happy days together, till Fenton's quarantine
was over and he could go back to school. Three
weeks after his return to Rugby he was recalled
for his brother's funeral; on 25th May he left home
again for school, desolated with a grief which, young as
he was, had made a permanent mark on him.
This loss (at the age of ten) of a child of such rare
promise and such beauty of character made, in fact, a
crisis in the family history ; the mother's whole sub
sequent life was overshadowed by it, and in the brother's
memory it remained always a subject almost too sacred
to be mentioned. At first he was completely stunned,
and it was long before his naturally sunny disposition
recovered its brightness. The loss of almost all record
of this time is the more to be regretted since in home
letters the effects on mind and character of this first
great sorrow must certainly have appeared.
28 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP.
On 1 2th June of this same year Dr. Arnold died.
The news of this catastrophe was another staggering
blow to the sensitive lad ; he never forgot the feeling as
of an altered world with which the wholly unexpected
news overwhelmed him during a holiday at the sea
side ; the anniversary is marked in red ink in his diary
of five years' later date. He can never have seen much
of ' the Doctor/ but his personality profoundly impressed
him from the first ; he used to recall long after how he
longed as a small boy for the * fearful joy ' of being
noticed or spoken to by Arnold ; and letters still
extant from Arnold to Mr. Fenton Hort show the
interest which he took in his progress even in his first
half-year.
He spent some time in the Twenty, in which boys
were obliged to stay till they were of age to be pro
moted into the Sixth. Of Mr. Bonamy Price's teaching
my father always spoke with enthusiasm ; he regarded
him as the man who, at school at all events, had taught
him more than any one else : " To him," he said in 1871,
" I owe all scholarship and New Testament criticism."
Mr. Bonamy Price in his turn, after an interval of more
than forty years, remembered him as the brightest
pupil whom he had ever had, and delighted to recall
the boy's keen eyes, the thoroughness of all his work,
and his eagerness in the pursuit of knowledge. A
school contemporary remembers how he sat at the
end of a row, and ' snapped up ' all the questions as
they came round. He is said to have astonished his
schoolfellows by the regularity with which he obtained
four ' First Classes ' in different subjects. His letters to
his father show the variety of his intellectual interests ;
he seems to have never pursued one subject of the
school course to the exclusion of others, and in his
RUGBY
29
private reading he was omnivorous. The passion for
knowledge, which was noted in the man, had taken
hold of the boy. At this age also had begun the
close observation of outward circumstances which
was to the end so characteristic of him. The diaries
which recommence in 1845, after a break of two and
a half years, caused perhaps by his brother's death,
record the weather for every day, and the texts of all
sermons, besides details of school debates, prizes, and
the like. This record of weather and texts he never gave
up ; in 1 846 he began to note plants observed in the
course of walks, and in many later diaries botanical
notes from the principal part of the entries.
Having risen to a high position in the school when
he was young for his place, and still younger, it is said,
in appearance, he had considerable difficulty in main
taining his authority in his house ; there was doubtless
a rather rough element in it, and his authority was
not supported by athletic distinction, a deficiency which
he always regretted. In his early struggles, when he
first entered the Sixth Form in 1844, ne received warm
encouragement from the new headmaster, Dr. Tait,
who, besides recognising his ability and industry, spoke
of him at the age of sixteen as having "a thought-
fulness of character from which the best fruit may
by God's blessing be expected " ; and a year later he
predicts that " he will turn out a thoughtful and very
valuable man."
Though never distinguished in athletics, he played
football with the same vigour with which he attacked
his work, and he not only played but watched the
school games with close interest. He took part in
drawing up a code of rules for the famous game, the
description of whose early stages in Tom Brown
30 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, n
amazes the modern * Rugby ' football player ; and he
was very proud of his ' cap/ his one athletic decoration.
In school politics he took a courageous and independent
line. On one occasion he, along with the head of the
school and others, was censured by a majority of Sixth
Form * levee/ on what grounds does not appear, but he
was proud of the vote, as the contest was between
" public and constitutional spirit and private feeling and
love of popularity." The strife seems to have been
appeased by Dr. Tait's intervention.
The Rev. North Finder, one of Hort's few surviv
ing Rugby contemporaries, has kindly contributed the
following recollections of school-days : —
I could have wished that I had more reminiscences to
supply of Hort's school-days at Rugby; but, owing to my
having been in another House, my intimacy with him was com
paratively slight, and confined principally to being associated
with him in the two Upper Forms of the school.
In his case certainly the ' boy was father of the man.'
Across the distance of nearly half a century I can call to mind
the somewhat awkward figure and resolute earnest face with
the blue eyes, bushy eyebrows, and black straight hair, as
he might be seen rushing with rapid impetuous steps across
the close just in time to anticipate the shutting of the Big-School
doors.
He was nearly always at the top of whatever Form he
happened to be in. In the Twenty Bonamy Price would usually
refer to Hort for what no one else could answer. His width
and thoroughness of knowledge, far beyond the usual level of
even clever boys, his indefatigable industry, his quickness and
precision of mind — not at the same time without a certain
awkwardness of expression — foreshadowed in those early
years the powers, which later he was to display in a larger
field. He was not a boy of many friends, but those he had
felt a deep and admiring attachment toward him. There was
a natural heartiness and sincerity, a rugged simplicity and
honesty, that could not fail to attract those who were brought
AGE 17 RUGBY 31
into close relations with him. Hort did not shake your hand ;
he wrung it, throwing into his grasp all the warmth of an
affectionate heart. He was no great hand at games, less
thought of then than now. Yet I seem to remember his wild
rushes at Football (especially in the Sixth Match v. the School),
plunging into the thick of the struggle, fearless of danger, eager
for achievement, and bent on doing his best for the honour
of the Praepostors' side. It was the germ of the same pluck
and determination manifesting itself in a Rugby * scrimmage '
which succeeded later in achieving some of the most difficult
ascents in the Alps. We took our degrees in the same year
(1850) — he at Trinity Cambridge, and myself at Trinity
Oxford; and for many years we never met. Examining at
Harrow long afterwards brought us once more together in
pleasant intercourse, which made me feel how much of the
freshness, simplicity, and warm-heartedness of the boy remained
side by side with all the learning and experience of the man.
The following letters give evidence of Hort's various
efforts for the good of his house. That of Easter Day
1 846, marked ' Dies Mirabilis ' in the diary of this
year, reveals the earnest spiritual life with which
incessant intellectual activity seems at no period to
have interfered. His own simplicity and sincerity shine
through phrases which are to some extent those of the
religious school in whose traditions he was brought up,
and in whose language it was then natural for him to
express his deepest thoughts.
To HIS FATHER
RUGBY, September *jth, 1845.
My dearest Papa — I fear this letter must be very one-sided,
for you have left me nothing to answer or remark on of home
or Cheltenham news. . . . Our football rules are to be out
this week, and if the book is as small as I hear, I will send
you a copy by post. I believe we are the only school who
make it a scientific game with an intricate code of laws.
32 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, n
We have filled up the two vacancies in the editorship of the
Miscellany. Shirley is all that could be wished ; Byrne I am not
so satisfied with, as he is a sad Young Englander, . . . but we
must hope for the best. Our debating Society goes on most
flourishingly ; we admitted and blackballed yesterday week a
very large number of new applicants, and yesterday we passed
a rule making a small half-yearly and also entrance subscrip
tion to defray the expense of printing the Minutes half-yearly.
Yesterday we abolished Botany Bay, Port Jackson, Tasmania,
Norfolk Island et hoc genus omne ; and next Saturday we de
cide as to O. Cromwell's right to a 'statty' in Westminster
Abbey ! How grand we are ! Deny it, who can ! As you may
perhaps like to hear what books we have got for our Library, I
may as well tell you. (Novels and Tales) DTsraeli's Sybil,
Marryatt's Midshipman Easy, Pickwick, Hawkston, Fougie's
Seasons. (Travels, etc.) Crescent and Cross, Wolffs Bokhara,
Pridden's Australia. (History, etc.) Carlyle's History of the
French Revolution, Brougham's Statesmen of the time of George
III., vol. iii. ; Brougham's Lives of Men of Science and Letters
of the time of George III., vol. i. (Poetry) Spenser's Poems,
Taylor's Plays, besides Periodicals ; so that we have a pretty
good set for our money. Our Choir in Chapel has been removed
from the Gallery to the Middle of the Body, and increased to
sixteen, eight on each side, so that we have in effect the old
system of ' Versicles ' and ' Responses,' and the effect is much
better.
To HIS FATHER
RUGBY, September 2.\st, 1845.
I am writing in some of the heaviest rain I ever saw, with
a great stream pouring in front of my window from an over
flowing water-pipe, and some of the studies presenting ' Baths
for the Poor (Occupants) ' gratis, though fortunately I am not
favored with that honour. ... I have just finished a most
interesting volume of Brougham's Lives of Men of Letters and
Science in the time of George III., with lives of Voltaire, Rous
seau, Hume, Robertson ; and 2ndly, Black, Cavendish, Sir
H. Davy, Watt (steam-engine man), Priestley, and Simson,
the mathematician. As might be expected, he is rather too
AGE 17
RUGBY
33
partial to Voltaire and Hume, but I have seldom read so
delightful a biography, or one that gave so favorable an im
pression of both author and subject, as that of Dr. Robertson.
The accounts too of the discoveries by the Chemists, such as
that of the various gases and the composition of the Alkalies,
are very interesting. We have had two afternoons of the
Sixth Match, Monday and yesterday, but we have maintained
the fight so gloriously that neither side have gained any ad
vantage, and another ineffectual day will make it a drawn
game, whereas last year we were beaten in two days. The
Red Cross Knight has fared well from the perilous encounters,
but is rather lame from a rub by his own greaves. A propos
to Red Cross Knights, I have plunged into the Faery Queene,
but I am afraid it will be rather wading work, for Clarence
found a great difference between drinking, and being drowned
Ensey, tho' it was the same liquor in each case.
To HIS FATHER
RUGBY, February 22nd, 1846.
I see by the Journal that even poor Cheltenham was
ed with all the horrors of a Protection Meeting, or
demonstration in favor of the Marquis of Worcester. What
a noble sight it must have been the other day at the Dorset
shire Hustings ! In consequence of this question I have been
more of a politician this last fortnight than I have ever been
here before, having read the chief speeches in almost every
Debate. We have had the question discussed in our Debating
Society ; it was adjourned yesterday week, after three or four
(for us) long speeches, to yesterday, when, in a house of about
thirty-five, with, I think, only five on the Whig benches, a
* glorious majority of one ' was obtained for protection ;
several who had intended a week ago to speak for protection
having been brought to the other side by Sir Robert's power
ful speech on Monday. It was very amusing to see how I
was sarcasticated upon by both sides, because I told them that
neither they nor I were capable, from want of experience and
study of the questions, to form an individual opinion on the
expediency and practical working of a commercial measure.
VOL. I D
34 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, n
To HIS FATHER AND MOTHER
RUGBY, Easter Sunday, April \2.th, 1846.
My dearest Father and Mother — This is, I believe, the
first time that I have ever addressed either both of you
together at all or each of you separately by these names ;
but the occasion of my present letter is sufficient explanation
of my using these expressions, and not writing to either of you
exclusively. The time draws near when, if I live so long, I
am to quit school for ever, and thus the second period of my
existence will soon be over ; and so my mind naturally reverts
more strongly to what has never been altogether absent from
my thoughts for full six years, and what both of you have
frequently reminded me of, — I mean the choice of a profession
for life. I need scarcely say, I have not thought on the sub
ject without much prayer, especially lately ; and my present
object is to tell you my decision. I should mention that on
Friday last I opened a sealed paper written by me at Tenby
five years ago, containing reasons for the choice I then made,
not however definitively, and I have ever since considered it
as not the less an open question. My decision at that time
was the same as now, and my reasons are substantially the
same, though my opinions are in some respects modified;
and then I balanced reason against reason, argument against
argument ; now, while I allow argument its proper place, I
trust and believe myself moved by an influence not my own.
You will at once perceive that my choice is the Church. You
will not, I am persuaded, charge me with any want of love or
deference to you because I thus definitively make my choice
without consulting you. You have shown your kindness and
delicate forbearance (will you allow me to add, good sense ?)
in leaving me to follow my judgment unbiassed, while at the
same time there has been no need for my returning your con
fidence by asking your opinions, for I have long seen, and
given due weight to, what you thought on so important a sub
ject ; and while I felt that you would not oppose my wish if I
seemed bent on any other calling, I could not but pay atten
tion to what I knew to be the desire of your hearts, to see me
in the ministry, if a faithful servant of the Lord. Yet I
AGE 17
RUGBY
35
would not have you suppose that I am influenced merely by
your known wishes ; such, I know, would not be your desire.
The only other profession that would in the least degree
suit me is the Law, and my distaste for it has been growing
stronger every year, even when there was no corresponding
increase of tendency towards the Church. I feel myself
altogether unfit to be a lawyer ; I speak now of secular
mental capabilities. But do not think that I choose the
Church merely as the only practicable alternative ; far other
wise. I cannot but see that the Church wants laborers
more and more every year. Again, there is another reason
connected with the last. This paper I have mentioned was
written when our dear Arthur was alive. He, loving his
Saviour as sincerely as he was warm in his affection to us,
had already, if I mistake not, devoted himself in promise to
His service. The same merciful Saviour thought fit to take
him to Himself before he could fulfil his resolution, and I
cannot but feel his removal an additional call on me to fill
the place he had marked out for himself. O that I had but
his fervency of love to Him who has spared me !
I have hitherto studiously confined myself to considerations
and arguments. But if these were my only inducements I could
not think myself justified in entering on so awful a responsi
bility ; how, then, could I answer the question, " Do you
trust that you are inwardly moved by the Holy Ghost to take
upon you this office and ministration ? " Here, then deliber
ately, yet with reverence I say, that I trust and believe that I
am moved by the Holy Ghost. Nothing less should satisfy
me. I believe that the strong and permanent inclination
that I feel is of God. I know how miserably and imperfectly
I serve Him. I fall into sin, more especially into coldness,
indifference, and forgetfulness of Him through the day, yet in
the midst of this repeatedly it seems as if He clutched hard at
me, and I would not come ; and I cannot believe but that He
is thus drawing me perseveringly towards His service.
I had begun to write on Friday, when I was most annoyingly
interrupted, having intended to ask your prayers to-day more
especially, but your, I mean Mamma's, letter assures me of what
I never indeed could have doubted, and I am not sorry now
36 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, n
that I was thus compelled to put off writing till to-day. To
day I have made my final resolution, and entreated God at
His table to ratify it, and ever aid me to perform it ; and I
cannot but think I have had some earnest of gracious assist
ance. Till last night I never knew what depression was. I
had no illness ; one or two things had happened to grieve me,
but still they were comparatively slight ; but I never felt so
thoroughly downcast about myself and all the world, or so
bitter and serious a struggle within me. It tore me through
and through, yet it was a great mercy and a special answer to
prayer ; for having previously felt my own indifference and
want of real sense of danger, I had entreated to be bruised
and brought low to feel the burthen, that I might appreciate
what deliverance might be, and it was granted ; consequently
this morning I felt such as I had never felt before at the
whole service and communion. I never till then had an
adequate notion of the power and beauty of our Liturgy, and,
on the other hand, of its inferiority to the Word of God. I
gained some faint idea of what the Bible was ; I felt the
glorious depth of the declaration, " Now is Christ risen from
the dead, and become the first-fruits of them that slept," a
passage which I had merely understood before. You will
wonder, yet not more than I wonder myself, how I have been
able thus to put on paper my inmost thoughts. The only
explanation I can give myself and you is that I could but
record with gratitude what appears to me so signal and
gracious a token of encouragement in my resolution of to
day. O that I be not deluding myself! One thing I can
sincerely say : I wish to be the minister of the Lord ; but it
makes me tremble to read a verse of St. Paul and St. Peter
and then look at myself.
I have now given you my reasons, as far as I can dis
tinguish them, for everything would urge me on except the
fear of unfitness. The fear itself is no harm, but quite the
contrary \ O that the occasion of it may be removed. It
only remains for me to beg your more particular and earnest
prayers, for assuredly I shall need them more . . . pray
especially for me that I may be given the spirit of prayer.
Indifference is the form that the enemy's opposition generally
AGE 17
RUGBY
37
takes rather than direct temptation ; pray that I may be
enabled to call down unceasingly special aid. I am afraid
to be an hour without prayer, and yet how hardly do I find
it ! May this day be the first of harvest to me, of my rising
from a sleep truly called death, even as on this day Christ was
gathered in as the first-fruits, rising from the actual death !
This letter is sadly incoherent and confused. My only
excuse is that I have written it without previous arrangement ;
I have said whatever rose to my mind. Perhaps you will
like it the better for this. With love to the dear girls . . .
I remain, ever your affectionate son,
FENTON J. A. HORT.
Ire;
To HIS FATHER
RUGBY, April igth, 1846.
I really do not know how to answer Mamma's and your
letters of Monday. I can only say that I thank you both very
deeply and earnestly for them, and that for their own sakes as
well as for the assurances of what scarcely needed assurance.
Yet the more I read them, the more must I entreat you to
pray — and pray that I may myself worthily pray — that you may
not have taken too favourable a view.
. . . Rugby has been honored to-day with the presence of
three head-masters of great schools : ist, Dr. Tait of our own ;
2nd, Charles Vaughan of Harrow; and 3rd, Conybeare (a
Rugbeian) of the Liverpool Collegiate Institution. Arthur
Stanley (Arnold's biographer) is also here, so that we have
quite a constellation. ... It is not often that I look at our
newspapers, but whenever I do I am disgusted with them :
always some attack, either on the Established Church, or the
Coercion Bill, or the thanksgivings for the Indian victories ;
this last is a very fruitful theme for the declamations of these
sentimentalists on Sir R. Inglis' ' gunpowder Christianity,' as
they call it, or the idea of thanking 'a God of peace for
successful slaughter.' I cannot help thinking it a very fearful
sign of these latter days, that godlessness has taken such a
strange form ; it began with persecution open and undisguised,
then came Popery, then (to omit minor forms) in the last
century the philosophy of 'reason,' not one perishing in the
38 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, n
meantime, but each springing up by the side of the other.
But now such is the spirit of the age, it is driven to take a new
shape, the shape of Christianity and religion itself. For I
cannot regard in any better light this widely-spread system of
assuming the name of the Gospel to wrong principles. But I
am running on about what I know little about.
To HIS FATHER
RUGBY, May yd, 1846.
It appears by your letter that my gentle insinivations were
not altogether without foundation, and that Mamma's cunning
question about which tour I should prefer, just as if she was
setting me a subject for a Latin essay, Quidnam iter prcestantius
habendum sit> etc. etc., was, as I suspected, more practical than
she was willing to allow. You shout all the way from Chelten
ham to Rugby, to know 'my own views — my own ideas.'
Poor I haven't got any ideas ; I am not like a flint or steel to
strike out new sparks, but the black old burnt bit of tinder
that enlarges and spreads the sparks of others : there's what
you may call (you needn't if you don't choose) a fine simile.
But the fact is that I should like any so well, that I don't
know which I should like best.
So like two feasts, whereat there's nought to pay,
(pity that isn't the case with us),
Fall unpropitious on the self-same day ;
The anxious at each invitation views
And ponders which to take, and which refuse ;
From this or that to part he's sadly loth,
And sighs to think he cannot dine at both.
So sings the immortal Fusboz, and so sing I. ... The
fact is that Italy, Greece, Egypt, and Palestine (all four con
siderably too far off) are the only countries where I should
feel myself at home and have full enjoyment. But don't
suppose that I am disparaging those which may possibly be in
reach : I only wish that you would choose as you think best
and wisest, resting assured that I shall be perfectly satisfied
with your decision, and be sure also that then I shall un
doubtedly find out reasons why that is the best.
AGE 1 8
39
To HIS FATHER
RUGBY, May $ist, 1846.
Yesterday Mr. Fox, who was here at the school ten years
ago, and has been for five years a missionary at Masulipatam
in the Madras Presidency, addressed as many as chose to
come to hear him. What he said was Christian, sensible, and
well suited to his audience, and no flummery. He hopes to
come again next half-year.
Classics
To HIS FATHER
RUGBY, September 13^, 1846.
With reference to Dean Carus's question about
issics and Mathematics, I believe your answer was the best.
My own present idea (tho' of course subject to subsequent
modification) is to make Classics my strong point (following my
inclination and powers), and Mathematics as much as practi
cable. I confess I should like, if I might be so ambitious, to
take more than a mere junior op. pass ; but I would rather stick
to the lower parts of Mathematics, so as to get a thorough
knowledge of all their principles and bearings, etc., than take
a higher flight if solidity below were thereby to be sacrificed.
To HIS FATHER
RUGBY, September igth, 1846.
. . . We are endeavouring to establish in this House Shak-
sperian Readings ; they answer very well at some of the other
Houses and are very popular. I look for great benefit from it
to the House, hoping it will be a common bond to the different
parts of the House, and likewise improve the literary taste
generally in the House, giving them something better than
Marryatt, Bulwer, and James.
CHAPTER III
CAMBRIDGE: UNDERGRADUATE LIFE
1846-1850. Age 18-22.
HORT returned to Rugby for part of the second half-
year of 1846, and in October went up to Trinity
College, Cambridge. His first term was spent in
lodgings. In January 1847 he moved into rooms
in the New Court, on his tutor the Rev. W. H.
Thompson's staircase. He did not become a scholar
of the College till April 1849. In 1847 and the two
following years he competed unsuccessfully for the
University scholarships. In these competitions it is
likely that width of reading counted for less than what
is sometimes called ' pure scholarship ' ; that he was
a very accurate scholar can hardly be doubted, but he
was never brilliant in classical composition. The
making of Greek and Latin verses, at all events, was
never a favourite amusement with him, as it used to
be with so many classical scholars. He read classics
in his freshman's year with the Rev. F. Rendall (after
wards a master at Harrow), and later with W. G. Clark.
Mr. Rendall reported after one term's experience :
" His knowledge of the classic authors is certainly
far above the average ; but to this knowledge he
appears to me to superadd much more important
CHAP, in CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE
advantages in the clearness of thought and refinement
of taste which his criticism and composition evince in
a degree of maturity beyond his years."
It was not to be expected that he would confine
his attention to the regular course of Classics and
Mathematics. Subsequent letters reveal not only the
width of his interests as an undergraduate, but also
how well prepared was his mind by nature and Rugby
training to gather all the intellectual advantages of the
University. He had undoubtedly learnt how to learn.
A word is perhaps necessary to explain his religious
development at this period. So far, as has been shown,
he had been brought up in the doctrine of the Evan
gelical school, which was especially influential at Chel
tenham ; the effects of this training were doubtless
modified in the atmosphere of Rugby. No school
letters survive to tell how he was impressed, as
impressed he must have been, by the religious teach
ing of Arnold, and afterwards of Tait ; but the letter
of Easter Day, 1 846, is sufficient evidence of the deep
natural piety which had been fostered under these suc
cessive influences. It was natural that at Cambridge he
should seek out first the teachers of the Evangelical
school, who then represented what was best in the
religious life of the University. Chief of these was
Dr. Carus, for whom he always retained a great regard.
At a not much later period however he outgrew the
Evangelical teaching, which he came to regard as
1 sectarian/ but he did not throw himself into any
opposite camp. It would be a great mistake to sup
pose that he in any sense cast off what he had learnt
in early years ; all that was best in those first lessons
had become part and parcel of himself. Before long
he was to come under other influences, especially that
42 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP.
of F. D. Maurice ; but, without anticipating, it seems
well to note here two very important facts in the history
of a mind singularly receptive, yet singularly inde
pendent : that there was at no time any decided break
in the continuity of his religious convictions (one
hardly likes to call them opinions), and that he was
even from the first
Nullius addictus iurare in verba magistri.
Combined with unbounded gratitude and devotion to
those masters under whose influence he successively
came was an absolute independence of judgment. The
extent of his indebtedness to Arnold was certainly
far greater than it is possible now to estimate precisely.
In undergraduate days, if not before, he came under the
spell of Coleridge. It is significant that in 1847 he
records in his diary the dates of Coleridge's birth and
death. Nor was this a passing boyish enthusiasm ; the
poet -philosopher's works became the subject of deep
and careful study, the fruit of which appears in the
exhaustive monograph published in the volume of
Cambridge Essays of 1856. Possibly what first
attracted him to Coleridge was the breadth of intel
lectual interest which in him went along with spiritual
earnestness. From Coleridge to Maurice the passage
was natural. Maurice's teaching was the most powerful
element in his religious development, satisfying many a
want which had hitherto distressed him ; yet, as indi
cated above, it would be a mistake to call him without
qualification a disciple of Maurice. Before he had made
acquaintance with his writings, he had been inevitably
affected by the forces of the Oxford Movement, though
he was throughout alive to the weaknesses as well as
the strength of its leaders. In the loyalty of his
in CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE 43
churchmanship one can trace perhaps the most certain
indications of what he derived from this source. For
he was emphatically a churchman ; he loved greatly the
services of the Church of England, and cared much for
a reverent observance of all matters of detail in wor
ship. Such things he regarded as of secondary
importance, but never with indifference. For instance,
his devotional, no less than his artistic, feeling was
outraged by the bare and ugly churches which were
far commoner forty years ago than now. In these
matters, as in those of higher importance, his fairness
and openness of mind were conspicuous even in under
graduate days. Yet — and the reservation is extremely
important — he was no dispassionate eclectic, balancing
opinions with the cool judgment which comes of
deficient enthusiasm. The decision was with him
no matter of merely intellectual interest. The main
current of his religious thought was, as has been said,
continuous ; but such changes as came in the course of
growth were accompanied by anxious self-questionings
which tore his whole being through and through. The
intensity of his feeling was at least as remarkable as
the balance of his judgment. Nothing was more
foreign to him than the complacent judicial attitude
commonly ascribed to Goethe, speaking of whom in
connection with Coleridge he said : " There are other
and better kinds of victory than those which issue in
an imperial calm." l So again, in one of his maturest
writings, he says : " Smooth ways of thought are like
smooth ways of action ; truth is never reached or
held fast without friction and grappling."5 In fact,
1 Essay on S. T. Coleridge in Cambridge Essays, 1856, p. 351.
'2 "The Way, the Truth, the Life," Hulsean Lectures for 1871
(published 1893), p. 171.
44 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
both early and late his object was not opinion, but
truth.
The following letters all belong to his first term of
residence at Cambridge : —
To HIS FATHER
CAMBRIDGE, October 31^, 1846.
My dearest Father — I ought to have written last night,
but the time slipped away as I was sitting at the Union till
it was too late for the Post. You will see from this that I
have joined the Union, which however, if I may judge by the
impression anything you have said about it left on my mind,
is very much altered since its Founder's time. We have
a magnificent room, I am afraid to say how long, for Debates
and reading-room ; also a smaller and snugger room, and, I
believe, a smoking-room, and a really excellent Library of all
subjects, which is a great resource. It is very convenient for
me at present, the entrance being from the Hoop Yard, not
grand or imposing certainly. Our first Debate for this term
is to be on Tuesday. There is one alteration that struck me
particularly from your account of the antient l feuds, viz. there
are no fines for non-attendance at Debates. Romilly asked me
to wine on Thursday. Professor Sedgwick was there, besides
two or three old pupils of Romilly's who had come down for
the day, and three or four undergraduates, chiefly, I think,
of other colleges. Romilly talked and laughed and joked
incessantly for every one else as well as himself. There was
some interesting conversation about the new Planet ; but I
could not make it out, nor can I remember it clearly. Some
observer, I think here, thinks he has discovered a ring. It
appears that Mr. Adams of St. John's had made his calcula
tions in the spring, and sent them to Greenwich to Airy, the
Astronomer-Royal ; but he paid no attention to them, and to
his neglect Sedgwick attributed the loss of the honour to
England of the discovery. He mentioned that in the summer
1 For an explanation of this and some other peculiarities of spelling,
see p. 55.
AGE 18 CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE 45
he and some one else had seen Mr. ' Nep ' from the Observa
tory here, but did not recognise him as the planet that they
were looking for.
On Sunday I went to St. Mary's to hear the Hulsean
lecturer (Trench). It was the concluding lecture of the series,
and therefore scarcely a fair sample. It was of course more
intellectual than spiritual, the subject being (of the whole,
which is in the press) " Christ the Desire of all Nations, or
the Unconscious Prophecies of Heathendom," a noble subject,
but most difficult to deal with well. His lecture was a sort
of resume, cautioning against three errors — ist, of regarding
Heathendom as utterly devoid of all true light; 2nd, of
exalting the dim light of Heathendom at the expense of
Christianity ; and 3rd, of finding no matter for thought in the
Heathen writers. He was very earnest, tho' he had a pain
ful delivery ; and considering its nature, it was a very beautiful
lecture, giving here and there by chance expressions * windows
into the man,' which showed what a beautiful preacher he
would be on a less directly intellectual subject. ... I forgot
to mention that at Trinity Church in the morning I was
fortunately a quarter of an hour early, and so obtained a seat ;
plenty who came before the service had none, and a good
many who came for the sermon could not get in, there not
being even standing room anywhere within the walls or doors.
. . . It is since you left that the 'Little Go' has been
instituted (officially ' The Previous Examination '). It takes
place after a year and a half. . . . Thompson is our Classical
Lecturer, and does it exceedingly well, shallowly for the shallow,
deeply for the deep, though in the latter respect rather point
ing to other resources than entering fully on them himself.
... I have heard since I came up a noble act of Tait's.
Byrne had worked very hard for the Exhibitions, and fully
expected one, but came fifth ; and there was no ' broken '
one. On returning to Rugby we were surprised to see Byrne's
name on the board for a broken one. Nobody whom I asked
could tell me about it. It now turns out that Tait has given
him an Exhibition for two years, i.e. £120, out of his own
pocket, and had it put up as if he had gained it in the regular
way.
46 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
To HIS FATHER
CAMBRIDGE, November $th, 1846.
... I answered your last letter but one in a great hurry
supernumerarily, and so did not examine all your questions ;
among them I see the coats mentioned. I must have mis
understood you on that point, for I got the frockcoat some
time ago, and have been keeping my best l tails ' as dress,
tho' they are not first-rate for that purpose. Before I do any
thing more, therefore, I want to know your wish. I should
add that at the time I asked Law what he generally made
evening coats of, and he said that of invisible green more than
any other colour ; however, if you wish the blue, say so. Say
also about the brass buttons, horresco referens. . . .
Carus mentioned by the way that the King of Prussia has
sent a gold medal to Archdeacon Hare with a letter of thanks
for his noble vindication of Luther from the attacks of our own
Tractarians, in a long note to his Mission of the Comforter,
lately publisht, which said book Carus likewise highly recom
mended. One other book he said every one should make it
his business to read, the Homilies. You do not often see or
hear anything of them now.
I went on Thursday week to one of Mr. Wilson's Scottish
Entertainments (the ' Nicht wi' Burns ' man), as I was rather
curious to hear him. His prose explanations were miserable,
very like the showman at Wombwell's, and you couldn't help
fancying that if you were to interrupt him, he would have to
begin all over again ; and the jokes he was evidently tired of
repeating to so many audiences. There was a good deal of
affectation also in the way that he sang many of the songs.
Most of them were rather poor, but " A Man's a Man for a'
that " was magnificent ; he almost did it and Burns justice, no
easy matter. By the bye you made a mistake when you were
here in not going into Trinity library to see Thorwaldsen's
statue of Byron. He doesn't look very 'morantic' in his
dressing-gown, but, as well as I can judge, it is a fine statue ;
the likeness is particularly good, tho' rather favourable than
otherwise.
AGE 18 CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE
47
To HIS FATHER
CAMBRIDGE, November \2th, 1846.
To make sure of my letter reaching you in good time, I
write the hour after I have received yours. I had a treat on
Monday night such as I am not likely often to have, and 1
am sure you would have given something to have had : I
heard from the lips of Prof. Challis and Mr. Adams the ac
count of their discovery of Neptune. - told me that that
night was the first meeting for this term of the Cambridge
Philosophical Society, and asked me to go with him. . . .
Mr. Adams explained in some degree the difficulties and
peculiarities of his calculations, but they were all but wholly
unintelligible to me. One curious thing I fished out, that the
well-known theory of a certain rule in the relative distances of
the planets from the sun as compared with that of the earth,
is found false in Neptune's case. The rule was that, sup
posing the distance of one planet from the sun to be x times
as great as that of the earth from the sun, the distance of the
next outer planet from the sun would be 2 (x- i) times that
of the earth. For instance, Uranus is 1 9 times as distant ;
and so they expected Neptune to be 2 (19-1), i.e.
36, but he turns out to be (I think) only 33. There was
then some discussion as to the respective honours of Adams
and Leverrier; Adams said that he gave Leverrier the full
credit of the discovery, but, as a matter of calculation, he
claimed for himself the credit of prior and independent con
jecture. Challis said the same, and merely claimed credit for
himself on the score of having laboured most, having taken
between 3000 and 4000 observations between the end of July
and September. He, it seems, actually saw the planet before
its discovery at Berlin, and had suspicions of its being the
planet, but did not examine it. On coming home I sat down
to write an account of what I had heard, but when I had
written a good deal, was obliged to go to bed by the hour ;
and unfortunately I totally forgot it till this afternoon ; now
on trying to complete it I find my recollections very imper
fect. . . .
One word on the Union, etc. You are anxious that I
48 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
should not devote to its studies too much time in preference
to Classics and Mathematics ; these latter should undoubtedly
have the pre-eminence, but I am sure you will allow that alone
they would form but poor pabulum for the mind. Philology,
cram, science, both natural and of abstract symbols, and
Paley (ugh !) are by themselves all but useless ; they are
rather instruments, but, if you have nothing to employ your
instruments on, why keep them ? I should be the last in the
world to join in the insane cry against them (which happily is
now somewhat hushed), so strong a sense have I of their value ;
only allow room for somewhat else, and depend upon it they
will not suffer. Compare the edition of a Greek play by a mere
philologer, however good, with one by a man who has read and
thought something else, and you will see how, for the purposes
of mere philology, superior the latter is, even with inferior
scholarship. . . .
I quite agree with what you say of Trench, but the blindness
of the Achill Herald in accusing him of Popery made me say
more than I intended. Trench might have learnt by the
lines of one who is now, I fear, an Anglo-Catholic —
Sovereign masters of all hearts !
Know ye who hath set your parts ?
He who gave you breath to sing,
By whose strength ye sweep the string,
He hath chosen you to lead
His Hosannas here below :
Mount and claim your glorious meed :
Linger not with sin and woe.1
Here I have been again at my long quotations, but I don't
think you'll cry because you have got it. ... Last night I
went to St. Michael's to hear - — . . . . Somehow I never
like stars, least of all planets (TrAavr/Tcu) or wandering stars.
To HIS FATHER
CAMBRIDGE, December itfh, 1846.
. . . Poor Dr. Mill has, I grieve to say, verified the ac
counts of him. Having disposed the Sunday before of the
1 Then follows a quotation of most of Keble's poem.
AGE 18 CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE 49
rationalistic and semi -rationalistic theories, he yesterday de
voted his whole sermon to attacking the Evangelistic ; he
praised the truth of the central doctrine, but blamed its being
taught exclusively, assuming that it is so (true to a certain
extent, but the exception is not the rule). In fact his whole
course lay in misrepresentation, confounding Evangelicalism
with Methodism, which last is worse than Popery, as being
more insidious. At the same time his own doctrines were the
reverse of sound ; he advanced the sacraments in a strange,
inconsistent way, denouncing strongly the opus operatum, and
any idea of sacrifice in the Eucharist (quoting Heb. x. 12, 14),
and yet attacking the only other alternative ; in fact, timidly
bringing forward Baptismal Regeneration. He wound up by a
far more justifiable denunciation of the Evangelical Alliance
and Paean over its defeat. It is fair to add that he used no
hard names, and, tho' his doctrines were abominable, his whole
tone inclined me favorably towards the man.
I am much obliged to you for taking the girls to the
sights without waiting for me, more especially Mad. Tussaud's,
which is to me disgusting. Why do we shrink from an ourang-
outang ? because the rezemblance is too great. Where the un-
likeness of the accompaniments preponderates, we admire the
art, as in a painting or statue ; but a wax figure is like a rosy-
cheekt corpse in the attitude of a living man.
In the Lent term of 1847 there was great excite
ment in the University over the contested election for
the Chancellorship. Hort's account of it in the follow
ing three letters shows that he was by no means a
recluse.
To HIS FATHER
CAMBRIDGE, Tuesday night [February 2^nf, 1847].
My dearest Father — I open Kate's envelope to tell you
that the affair of the Chancellorship is getting most serious.
St. John's are going to work doubly ; they summon all their
own men as a College question, and raise the cry of the Church.
The Morning Post has to-day a leader in behalf of them of a
VOL. I E
50 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
very strange kind, insinuating that the Government are going
to throw their weight into the scale of Prince Albert ; in short,
high and low, from every hole and corner in the kingdom,
Johnians and High Churchmen are being summoned up, and
have been being summoned since two hours after the news ot
our late Chancellor's death arrived. Prince Albert, as you
will have seen, gave a sort of refusal, but I hear that it is
contrary to etiquette for a royal personage to contest an
election ; and his committee have determined to go to the
Poll, so that he does not come forward as a candidate, but, if
they are successful, they will offer it to him, and there is reason
to believe he would accept it. This was exactly the course
pursued in the case of the Duke of Gloucester. Lord Powis'
committee and friends include most of the Law Officers and
many leading Churchmen ; the Prince's all the heads of houses
but the Master of John's, President of Queen's, and Master of
Clare Hall, and this last has only withdrawn because of the
Prince's refusal. We have also almost, if not quite, all the
Professors and leading men of the University, and, the papers
say, four Cabinet Ministers, but who I don't know. But most
of all Carus has publicly declared that the real movers of Lord
Powis are the Tractarian party, who hope thereby to effect an
entrance into Cambridge ; and I understand that he is can
vassing and otherwise exerting himself most actively against
Lord Powis. Now he is so very sober-minded, free from party
spirit both in religious and other matters, and charitable, and
unmeddling that it must be something real and considerable
that would excite him thus. Under these circumstances every
vote is of consequence, and the contest seems generally
expected to be neck and neck. The Polling begins on
Thursday, and ends at noon on Saturday. — Your affectionate
son, FENTON J. A. HORT.
In great haste.
To HIS FATHER
CAMBRIDGE, February 26th, 1847.
You will read a full account of what has taken place
(as well as what has not) in the Times, tho' I should
observe that the latter ingredient will largely preponderate
AGE 1 8
CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE
over the former, i.e. the penny-a-liners have proved them
selves penny -&-liars ; but I must give you some scraps of
information. The story (I am not sure whether it is in the
Times or some other paper) about the marching in procession
and the banners, etc., is a pure fabrication from beginning
to end. I was at the Senate House yesterday five minutes
before the time, and found the Galleries crowded, but managed
to squeeze myself a place. Punctually at ten the authorities
arrived, and here a fable was dispelled. It is popularly
believed that the Proctors' books, which they carry about
with a chain, are no books at all, but mere wood ; however,
something was read out of one of them. All the ceremony
described in the Papers may possibly have taken place, but I
don't think it did. On the right hand on entering was Lord
Powis' table, on the left the Prince's. Every one of the
A.M.'s went up to one of these, and received a ticket on
which he wrote his name and I don't know what else ; he
then (i.e. as soon as he could) went up to the ' Vice's ' table,
where sat the Proctors, Registrary, Scrutators, Bedells, etc.,
and handed his card to the Vice, who read it, showed it to
one man to look out the name in the Calendar and make sure
of all being right, and to two or three others to register, and
then deposited it in one of the two slits in a huge box he
had before him, one slit for each candidate, each time calling
forth cheers and groans according to the slit he put it in.
This was the whole business. Early in the day the body was
crowded with A.M.'s; one of the Bulldogs admitted a certain
number at a time within the rails which separated the dais,
and the rush each time was tremendous. It took some time
each turn for three or four Bulldogs to shut down the bar ;
they forced it down on the heads and backs of whoever was
there. A.M.'s were sprawling on the floor, having their hats
smashed or holding them above their heads, and you may
imagine the undergraduates were not silent. The bar, which
was four inches thick, soon broke ; they brought in carpenters,
but ultimately they made the passage much narrower, and
crossed batons across it. The 'profound sensation' at the
arrival of the Ministers is a monstrous fiction ; nobody but
the dons knew anything about it till hours afterwards. The
52 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
only persons recognised, as far as I remember, were the
Bishop of Norwich, Lord John Manners, and Lord Fitzwilliam ;
this last came in his scarlet robe as D.C.L., and elicited great
shouts of " Lobster ! " I hear his vote was refused (I don't
know why), as was to-day that of the Provost of Eton. At
first Lord Powis had a majority, then the Prince, then Lord
Powis, and his steadily increased up to 84, and then
slowly fell, till at nine last night the Prince had a majority
of 17; he had about an hour ago (at four) one of between
50 and 60. The Gallery noises have been tremendous;
first of all the cries of " Cap, cap ! " or " Hat, hat ! " to who
ever below retained either of those articles on his head, and
the "Three cheers for Prince Albert "— " for the Queen"—
"for Lord Powis" — "for Lord Powis' Committee" — "for
Lord Powis and Church Principles" — "for the Vice-Chancellor"
— " for the Senior Proctor " — " the Ladies " (of whom three
or four from time to time came in), etc. etc., with, of course,
groans and hisses to match. There were shouts for "Poll,
Poll, state of the Poll ! " and then perhaps some patriotic don
would write down the number and hold it up, and then a
shout to hold it higher, and write it plainer, etc. etc. From
eight to nine last night it was awful ; there were only a few
poor candles on the three tables, so that the Gallery was
almost in darkness. It was not, like the morning, a succession
of shouts, but without break one loud, shrill, piercing screamo-
howlo-whistlo-yell, and occasionally the notes of a bugle. At
nine the Senior Proctor came forward to declare the state of
the Poll, but he could not obtain silence, and was obliged to
pronounce the words without being heard. I should have men
tioned among the morning sounds whistles to denote Whewell,
barkings for the Bulldogs (the insinuation of the penny -a-
liar is a lie), grunts for the Johnians, and Growings for I don't
know who. To-day there was a terrible uproar about three
from two-thirds of the body of the house assuming at once
their gowns and caps ; this was greeted with the most
tremendous howlings and stampings, but it was no use, and
half the Gallery finally assumed their caps. Both days papers
and squibs of various sorts circulated below; one yesterday,
I hear, described thus the merits of the two candidates :
AGE 18 CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE 53
one had saved a mitre and the other invented a hat (i.e. the
Albert hat, embalmed in Punch}. It ended with putting into
the mouth of a Johnian the assertion of his determination
"to go the whole hog for John." Another to-day was a
tolerable parody of the Witches in Macbeth, a trio of P's
forming the dialogue, " Powis, Puseyite, and Punch," which
last personage has of course been unable to resist the oppor
tunity of a cut at Royalty in any shape.
To HIS FATHER
CAMBRIDGE, March izth, 1847.
. . . Everything is perfectly quiet here after the Election.
One of the best things about it is that yesterday Punch had
a caricatured version of the Address which Crick as Public
Orator had to present to his Highness, which represented
Crick as mitre-hunting. Now the best of the joke is that
Crick is a Johnian and voted for Lord Powis. . . . Two, how
ever, of Punch's jokes this week on the subject are good,
tho' most of his observations are abominable. He had
before observed that Prince Albert, in consideration of his
great knowledge of law, was expected soon to be admitted to
Lincoln's Inn • he now observes that there is no difficulty,
for, since the Prince originally refused the Chancellorship
from want of unanimity and has nevertheless now accepted
it, he has eaten his terms. The other is that he is coming up
to Trinity to reside, and has already entered the young
Princes as Under-sizars.
With the possible exception of a few schoolfellows,
it does not seem that Hort had friends at Cambridge
before he came up. One of his earliest and closest
College friendships — one which lasted to the very end
of his life — was with Mr. Gerald Blunt (now Rector of
Chelsea) of Pembroke College, whose family were
already intimate with the Horts at Cheltenham.
Another early friend was Henry Mackenzie, who died
young. At some time in his first year of residence he
54 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP. HI
must have made the acquaintance of John Ellerton, an
acquaintance which ripened into a lifelong intimacy.
His name will perhaps be more prominent than any
other in the following pages, as nearly all the letters
on both sides were preserved ; to him he could always
talk without reserve, and to him, whenever they were
apart, he poured out on paper his thoughts on every
subject grave and gay. Ellerton was President in
1847 of the Addison Society, called at first the
Cambridge Attic Society, an essay club of which Hort
was a member. He also belonged to a Historical
Society, and attended Sunday evening meetings at
Dr. Carus' rooms. He began before long to speak
at the debates of the Union, of which Mr. H. C. E.
Childers was President in the last term of I 847. The
day of multifarious athletic amusements had not yet
come. Hort's principal exercise was walking with
Blunt and other friends ; tradition also tells of nocturnal
perambulations in the cloisters of Nevill's Court, pro
longed sometimes far into the night. In vacations the
object of the walks was generally botany ; the diaries
of this and other years are crowded with notices of
plants collected or observed, and of botanising walks
with C. C. Babington. In the Christmas vacation of
1 847 he took a small pupil at Cheltenham, his only ex
perience of this kind of work.
To HIS FATHER
CAMBRIDGE, April 29^, 1847.
. . . When my Exhibition comes in I do not know, but I
suppose it will be soon. Talking of the Exhibition reminds
me that I sent in to-day a couple of Epigrams, more for the
sake of having something of the sort to take an interest in,
than any good likely to be gained. I made the recent dis-
AGE 19 CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE
55
coveries of the ' perturbations ' of Uranus by Neptune, and
Saturn by Uranus the subject, to exemplify the thesis ' udov-
juevds re KOL w#wv,' * Pushed and pushing,' showing what a
mistake it was to suppose that the stars went on quietly and
civilly, each minding his own business.
I am not going to carry on a controversy on the respective
merits of / and ed. ... I do not clearly understand whether
you set up Addison individually as an authority and standard
in opposition to Hare and Thirlwall. I hope not. If you
regard them as mere 'learned critics,' you do them great
injustice. Not only in learning, powers of mind, and critical
acumen, but in elegance of diction and style, and sound
practical good sense, is each of them worth a dozen Addisons.
As you say ' familiar diction,' perhaps you would concede
their superiority in writings of a high didactic character, as
Philosophy, Theology, or History ; but I would only refer you
to Hare's Guesses at Truth for as elegant 'familiarities' as
are to be found anywhere. ... I by no means think it
incumbent on all, who consider Hare's orthography best, to
adopt it on that account in opposition to the general fashion,
but simply wish to excuse those who have no objection to so
doing. But if I am not very much mistaken, you will soon
find orthography like everything else, getting reformed univer
sally ; out of the 50,000 words of which our language consists,
it is said that 50 only are pronounced as they are spelled;
and people are beginning to find out what fools they have
been in sticking to such absurdities so long. ... As to the
character you give Hare, of that I know nothing ; I can only
say that all his theological writings that I have read are more
free from dogmatism than any of the present day, and more
liberally minded. However, it so happens I know why you
abuse him ; you let the cat out of the bag once before. He
admired ' Ckristabtl* ! ! That is his crime.
To HIS FATHER
CAMBRIDGE, May i$th, 1847.
. . . Last night at twenty minutes past eight, as I was
going to take my letters to the post, when I got into the New
56 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
Court, I saw some dozen or two of men rushing distractedly
about in all directions, but mostly under the arch towards the
river. ... I met a friend, who told me that the kitchens
were on fire. I then looked and saw a slight smoke in that
direction ; going into the Bishop's Hostel, it appeared much
more formidable and very lurid. More men came rushing
out and there was a shout for buckets. I attempted to get
into NevilFs Court by the end of the arches nearest the Hostel,
but the smoke was too strong. I saw there was plenty of
work before us, so, while I had time I rushed upstairs and put
on my old greatcoat ; by this time there was a good many
men going about, and buckets carrying to and fro. I went
into NevilTs Court by the nearer end of the arches, observing
as I went through a bright red glare on the opposite windows,
and when I got to the corner near the Library door and looked
back, there was a good deal of flame mixed with the smoke.
. . . There were great shouts to form a 'line,' and I of
course joined in. We had a double line, one side passing up
the buckets filled from the river, the other passing them down
again when emptied. And there were several other lines in
the same way. ... At the river end of each stood several
men in the water, filling the buckets. It was very hard work
at one time, for they passed along very quick. We were a very
expeditious line, for we were silent ; the series of common
buckets, fire-buckets, slop-pails, water-cans, and everything
that would hold water or wouldn't, went on pretty continu
ously, only broken by some man occasionally seizing a water-
can between his knees to wrench off the lid ; knuckles occa
sionally suffered from the iron handles tumbling on them,
when we caught hold of the bucket itself, for we had no time
to be dainty, but snatched at any part of the utensil. The
fire rapidly increased, and soon bright orange flames shot up
terrifically above the roof, and seemed advancing westward ;
but just then the first engine arrived amid 'loud cheering.'
Before long the gear was all ready, and Evans, one of our
scholars, carried the first hose up a ladder placed against the
outside of the butteries, and it told rapidly, the flames instant
aneously decreasing. One engine after another arrived, till
we had five. . . I worked two or three minutes at the
AGE 19 CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE
57
engine, but the labour was tremendous, and I soon left
off. ... I stayed there till near 12, and they were then
examining the roof all along, the engines having ceased to
play about three-quarters of an hour before. . . . Had the
engines been five minutes later, it must have caught the first
staircase in NevilPs Court, and from one end to the other,
with the exception of the outer walls, is one mass [of] old oak,
partitions and all ! ! with those massive broad staircases to pro
duce a full draught and the wind setting that way. The New
Court is fireproof, but my rooms abut on Nevill's Court. The
Hall also must have caught, and the first beam of the Combina
tion Room was just charred. They got the pictures out of it
in a great hurry, and I hear damaged several by the corners
of the frames of others.
To HIS FATHER
CAMBRIDGE, October 29^, 1847.
... As to ' setting about ' Composition, I have some
thoughts of writing for the College Prize Poem in Alcaics on
the occupation of Ferrara, which will be something of interest.
I do a little of routine as well as read some one or two books
in Classics, besides the Phanissae for Christmas and the March
' Little-go,' alias * Smalls,' alias ' Previous Examination of
Junior Sophs.' Thus much for Classics, but, as I told you,
my chief object during this term must be Mathematics, for I
cannot like the plan which many Classical men pursue of
almost entirely neglecting their Mathematics till the last few
months before their Degree, when they cram up as much as
they may want to pass their Junior or Senior Op. degree as
the case may be ; but whatever benefit may be derived from
Mathematics in the way of disciplining the mind, is thus
almost entirely lost. Moreover I must, if I intend to get any
more ist classes, conform in a great measure to the College
Examinations ; and the approaching one at Christmas is about
half Mathematics, two -sixths Metaphysics, and one -sixth
Classics.
Gray, the new Bishop of Cape Town (who, you may re
member, preached a sermon at St. John's Church, Cheltenham,
58 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
some weeks ago), is to preach at both Cams' Churches on
Sunday : Carus spoke of him in the highest terms on Sunday
evening.
To HIS FATHER
CAMBRIDGE, November i2tk, 1847.
I fear I shall not be able to write you a long letter, for I
shall have to be at the Union from after Chapel probably till
ten, as the whole Sunday question is stirred de novo, and is
become terribly complicated. . . . The validity of the meeting
last term which closed the Union till three on Sundays is (I fear
justly) impugned ; the law is, " No meeting of the Society shall
be competent to make new laws, or to alter or suspend existing
laws, unless the meeting shall consist of Forty Members."
Now at the meeting in question there were confessedly above
forty present during the greater part, if not the whole, of the
discussion. How many were present at the division, nobody
knows, but those who voted, as shown by the division return,
were only thirty-seven. No counting out had taken place, and
the question is whether under the circumstances forty voters
were necessary; the laws do not say, but I must in honesty
think that common sense and justice require it. ...
I do not feel quite so sanguine as you do respecting the
Bishop of Cape Town's reception at Cheltenham; I heard
nothing that I could object to, but some of his expressions
would somewhat startle the old walls of St. Mary's.
I suspect from your words that you do not quite under
stand what I said about my Mathematics. It is not a question
of 'earnestness,' or no earnestness about them, but simply
it seems to me better to work out and well understand the
principles and bearings of the fundamental sciences, than
merely ' get up ' a string of ' cram ' propositions in the high
subjects, without knowing the why and the wherefore of any
thing. More generally, there are two extremes here, both
very common, and, I think, equally pernicious : one of casting
aside the Cambridge studies, merely reading enough for a
degree, and indulging wholly in other literary pursuits; the
other, of reading nothing but Classics and Mathematics — in
short, setting up millstones but grinding no corn in them ; and
AGE 19 CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE
59
again it seems necessary to preserve the balance of College and
University studies. It is almost Chapel time, so I must con
clude. Kind love to all.
To HIS FATHER
CAMBRIDGE, November 26^/1, 1847.
say about sacrificing a principle to a
twhat you
lity is all very true, provided there be nothing more
than a technicality, a quibble, as in the case you mention ; but
it was not so with us. . . . Would it be right to give a false
interpretation because we disliked the immediate consequences
of the true ? nay, more, should we assert, not as a matter of
(rule for the future, but as a matter of opinion on existing words,
— that we believed the words of the law had meant one thing,
while we really believed the opposite, — merely because the
consequences of speaking the truth might be dangerous and
wrong ? Surely not : surely our opponents might say, " Is not
your conduct merely a putting in practice of the maxims of
doing evil that good may come, and of not keeping faith with
heretics ? you tell us that it is for the sake of Christianity you
wish to shut the Union on Sundays, and then in order to
attain this end you have recourse to principles which are
most opposed to Christianity. . . ."
must be an ingenious man in his heterodoxy. A
favourite hymn of C. A.'s I have since discovered to be an
accurate parody of a short love song of Byron's, but what the
man could find in poor Shelley to transmogrify into a hymn
to anything, is more than I can guess. That sort of Mahomet-
anism-and-water is, I fear, very prevalent.
To MR. JOHN ELLERTON
SEGRAVE VILLA, CHELTENHAM, December 2oth, 1847.
My dear Ellerton — This may appear very early for me to
write after my departure from Cambridge. . . . Verily every
circumstance of every day, be it news of crime, or of heresy, or
of sectarianism, or of aught else, convinces me more and more
that the Church is the only center of all our hopes, that only
60 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
by clinging fast to her, by submitting to her mild and lawful
authority, by shaping our ways according to her indications,
and above all by venerating and upholding with gratitude and
love, and leading others to venerate, those Holy Sacraments,
which no less than His Holy Word her Divine Head has
entrusted to her keeping and administration, can we hope with
any well-grounded cause for hope either to preserve our own
souls and minds from the moral and intellectual seductions
which swarm everywhere around, or to maintain among others
the authority of God's truth and God's holy law amid the con
flicting whirlpools of modern English society.
What think you of the Jew debate ? For my own part, I
have seen no really good speeches on our side. Lord John's
was most valuable as repudiating the Warburtonian notion of
the merely physical ends of a state ; I can almost forgive him
his measure for that declaration. And then what a noble
Christian speech Gladstone's is, fallacious though it be ! . . .
I am glad that the attack on the King's supremacy is foiled,
but I deeply grieve that it should be considered merely as a
defeat and baffling of high Churchmen.
The year 1848 was a stirring time for all thoughtful
men. For Hort, as for many other minds, no doubt,
it was a very critical period ; his letters reflect the
excitement within, which was the natural consequence
of the excitement all round him. And yet it is evident
that he was never carried off his feet. While entering
into almost fiery discussions on all the controversies of
that seething year, he was also quietly pursuing his
course at Cambridge, or walking and botanising in
North Wales ; and there is something almost ludicrous
about the intrusion of the ' Little-go ' in the year of
revolutions. Apparently he wrote for the English
prize poem on * Baldur,' and he also competed for the
Hulsean prize. In this year too he became a corre
sponding member of the Botanical Society of London,
and engaged in a good deal of correspondence on
AGE 19 CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE
61
botanical subjects, especially on the differentiation of
the species of the genera Rubi, Violcs, and Ulices ; in
the pursuit of this hobby he was closely associated
now, as always, with C. C. Babington.
It is characteristic of his mind that he viewed all
the movements of the time in connection with theology.
Theology must be with him a living reality, and he was
dissatisfied with all systems which did not seem to
have a direct bearing on life. Hence he was led to
seek firmer foundations than he could find in the
Evangelical position ; with all the earnestness which
inspired the teaching of the best of that school, he
could not discover the religious philosophy which he
desiderated. In this search for a definite locus standi
he was attracted by the writings of F. D. Maurice. Here
he found a religious teacher who seemed to bring the
doctrines and sacraments of the Church into relation
with the needs of individual and social life. In Maurice,
moreover, there was not that distrust of the human reason
which, so far as it characterised the ' anti-Liberalism '
of the Oxford Movement, made it impossible for
Hort to be in complete sympathy with the leaders
of that school. Maurice was still personally unknown
to him, as were all the Maurician set of social reformers.
The social and political history of this time is familiar
enough for the allusions in the following letters to
explain themselves ; the history, e.g., of the Hampden
case has been fully told in Dean Stanley's Life ; in the
biographies of Maurice and Kingsley an account is
given of Politics for the People, a remarkable venture in
journalism, which lived for three months in the summer
of 1848. Though the controversies of the period have
been described more than once, it has seemed worth
while to give Hort's comments on passing events with
62 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
considerable fulness, since, young as he was at the time,
they show what effect was produced by these moving
incidents on a mind singularly sane, yet withal enthusi
astic. If his enthusiasm makes his language sound
occasionally somewhat extravagant, it is to be remem
bered that this was what he would himself have called
the ( yeasty ' season of life ; and, if he did not on all
questions take the view which seems most in accord
with ' liberal ' principles, it is only a proof of the
detachment from parties as parties which was at all
times noticeable in him. Moreover in politics, and
especially in ecclesiastical politics, the effect of the
reaction from early influences was still powerful.
To MR. JOHN ELLERTON
CAMBRIDGE, January 6th, 1848.
... On coming up here, I find you levanted, and so I
am left in wretched solitude, for there is not a single man
up whom I know at all intimately ; so pray come hither and
read as ] you intended. Write for 'Baldur,'1 if you feel so
inclined, or do anything of that sort, but do not be guilty of
the horrible treachery of leaving me any longer without any
other company than the excessively shadowy and 'question
able shapes ' of Pindar, Thucydides, and Juvenal ; in short,
I am vegetating, and, if you do not come to my aid, a
vegetable I shall be all my days, without hope of becoming an
animal, much less a * human.'
I am gone clean distracted about this miserable Hampden
affair. The only persons who seem to have acted creditably
are the Bishop of Oxford and Dean Merewether. What a
magnificent letter his last was to Lord John (mistaken as I
believe his opinion to be) ! and then what a gentlemanly,
not to say Christian, answer he got written on Christmas
Day ! . . . Hare's pamphlet seems to me to be quite a
floorer for all those who babbled about Hampden's ' heresy '
1 The subject for the prize poem.
AGE 19 CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE
(though the Record does not take notice of this passage,
which he afterwards only slightly modifies : "... I would
have implored the minister, on my knees, if it could have
been of any avail, to recall what seemed to me an act of
folly almost amounting to madness, of which I have never
been able to learn the slightest explanation or defense "). It
is delightful to read him after Hampden's wordy Protestantism
or his opponents' wordy bigotry of all sorts. I was delighted
the other day by our little Evangelical curate telling me with
a grin that had sent him a petition in favour of
Hampden to sign, with his name attached in pencil along
with some others. All the rest had put ' Yes ' opposite ; he
put NO in large letters. How he must have astonished their
weak minds ! I have plenty of things to say, as, for instance,
about Tennyson's Princess^ which seems good, though absurd.
To MR. JOHN ELLERTON
CAMBRIDGE, January loM, 1848.
. . . Hampden is to be 'confirmed' to-morrow. I see
Whately has been asked by his clergy for his opinion on the
subject, which he will give in a day or two. The English
Churchman has a vehement attack on Hare's pamphlet, saying
they now know some one else to suspect, ' German theology,'
etc. etc. Still I feel pretty sure Hare will be the next bishop,
from the way that Lord John spoke of him ; and there are
not many fitter for it.
The Princess is absurd, but I like its absurdity. It is not
a high flight, but it is a glorious poem for all that ; it is anti-
Mrs. - - and all Apostolesses of ' Feminine Regenera
tion.' It gives an account of an university of women (the
Princess being the head), and the moral, an excellent one,
shows that the rivalry of the sexes is absurd, that each has
its own place, and each is necessary to the other. I will give
you one exquisite line as a sample of its delicacy and beauty —
upon the sward
She tapt her tiny silken-sandalled foot.
I have no time for more.
64 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
To MR. JOHN ELLERTON
CAMBRIDGE, January igth, 1848.
I have been anxiously expecting a note every morning to
say that you were coming up at once ; but I will delay no
longer to write, having far more to say than I shall have
either memory to recall or time to commit to paper. First
as to books, Sterling is out, but I do not feel at present
inclined to spare a guinea for it ; it is in two foolscap 8vo
vols., of Daniel-Lambert-obesity, and seems intensely inter
esting. Macmillan says that it appears from the Life that
Sterling was an ardent admirer of Strauss ! so that it is bold
indeed of Hare to publish this Life just at the time when the
English Churchman has been calling himself a Rationalist.
But though I have not got Sterling's Remains, I have got his
Poems, but have not yet read much of them. On reperusing
Mirabeau, I have been still more struck than before by its
extraordinary power and beauty, though I do not quite under
stand it all. The Sainfs Tragedy with Maurice's preface is
also out. I have read the preface, which is excellent, though
the drift is rather odd, viz. to show what sort of a drama a
clergyman of the present day ought to write. The production
itself is a five-act drama, partly prose, partly verse ; its main
object being an attack on some of the later 'Anglo-Catholics'
about celibacy and 'holy virginity.' It is a difficult and
delicate subject to deal with, but the interests of Christianity
and of the nation require that the truth should be spoken out
boldly, and Kingsley seems to have done so nobly (though I
have not read the book itself). Its sum and substance,
according to Maurice, is an exposition of the actual struggles
of man between life and death, such as they really are, apart
from all the 'accidents' of circumstance and opinion. He
has also dealt a manly blow at the central lie of Calvinism,
viz. that man's natural state is diabolical ; in short, he seems
a man quite after Maurice's own heart, and, it is to be hoped,
will prove a valuable ally to him in the glorious war that he
is waging against shams of all descriptions. Some one has
written to the Examiner enclosing copies of a note to Carlyle
requesting to know whether the resurrection of the new
AGE 19 CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE
II
Letters was a merejeu d? esprit or a veritable fact, and a some
what surly rejoinder from the Elucidator, asserting that
whatever he put his name to was fact ; which settles the
question. Query : How would this rule apply to Herr
Teufelsdrockh of the Sartor Resartus? Macmillan has
already sold nearly a hundred copies of The Princess, though
so few men are up ! !
And now as to Hampden, where am I to begin, or where
to end ? First with a good but singular piece of news : the
Morning Herald has all of a sudden, without explanation,
shifted sides, and came out yesterday with a strong anti-
Hampden article. It stigmatises his appointment as " a most
unprecedented and wicked proceeding " ; abuses Lord John
heartily for insulting the Church; accuses Hampden of not
caring for anything but his own aggrandisement ; of meanness
and ingratitude in writing such a letter about the Bishop of
Oxford, after his disinterested generosity on his behalf. . . .
It also reminds us that we have to guard the interests " of the
Church, not of Lord John Russell, but of Christ." It is
gratifying to find that the judges have allowed Sir F. Kelly to
take a rule nisi for a mandamus to His Grace the Archbishop
to show cause why the three clerical objectors should not be
heard in court against the Bishop Elect. His argument
seemed to me peculiarly ingenious and good, that since the
' court of the Archbishop or his deputy ' was, as he proved,
in all essential points a bonafide court, it was subject to the
rules of courts, and consequently both parties had a right to
be heard. I understand that the question comes on in the
Queen's Bench on Saturday. I have not read Whately's
lengthy defence of Lord John and his protege, but the glance
I gave at it did not prepossess me in its favour. I am glad to
see, however, that he is eager for a convocation (of course to
include laymen). I might talk for ever about this unhappy
business, but I will say no more now of it, unless anything
particular should occur to me.
Meanwhile what a sad apathy there is on the subject of
the Jews ! The Chronicle receives absurd letters in praise
I from * Liberal clergymen,' and the Herald receives still more
ibsurd letters in opposition from ' Christians ' ; but the drift
VOL. I F
66 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
of them always is a lamentation of how dreadful a thing it is
that we should have men who blaspheme the holy name of
Christ, and call Him an impostor, sitting in Parliament. But
you might say with quite as much reason, " How dreadful
that men who do this should be allowed to live at all," and
then proceed to exterminate them. O we are perishing for
want of thought ! We give and receive money, eat our dinners,
whiz away at sixty miles an hour on railways, drink in wisdom
from the daily press, go through certain alternations of sitting,
standing, and kneeling for a couple of hours once (or it may
be twice) a week in a particular building commonly called a
church, and perform many functions of the same kind, pas
sively and sometimes quasi - actively with our bodies, but
always merely passively with our minds. And this state of
things is not merely palliated but praised as good in itself.
I read to-day a most singular article on Gladstone and his
Jew speech in the Daily News. They were by no means
unfriendly to him; said that he must have some practical
statesmanlike qualities, or he never would have risen to his
present eminence, but that what spoiled him was a singular
habit of his, viz. that he never seemed to do anything from
a mere practical sense of * political expediency ' (sic), but
referred all his actions to some 'abstract and general prin
ciples ' ; that a statesman never had time to think about
principles (and if he had, they would only perplex him), but that
his business was to use his sagacity to see what was required
by the present moment. Would to God we had a few more
such ' unpractical ' statesmen as Gladstone ! Empirics we have
in abundance, but that men should deliberately wish that
empiricism should sway the destinies of man — — ! ! !
Speaking of Gladstone reminds me of one of the Morning
Herald's crotchets. A silly pamphlet by a London clergyman
appeared the other day, recommending the enfranchisement
of the Jews, at the same time rather wishing than otherwise
for the separation of Church and State. On this the Herald
concocted an article, sagely attributing said pamphlet to
Maurice ! the extracts which I saw bearing about as much
rezemblance to Shakespeare's style as to Maurice's ; and to
think of his writing such a pamphlet !
IGE 19 CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE
67
Though I proceed very slowly indeed with the Kingdom
of Christ, every day seems to bring out more clearly in my
mind the truth, beauty, wisdom, scripturality, and above all
unity of Maurice's baptismal scheme. It is difficult to com
prehend at first, but it seems after a while to rise gradually on
the mind in its full and perfect proportions and harmony. I
love him more and more every day. I am carefully reading
Derwent Coleridge's Sermons on the Church; they are truly
excellent and beautiful, though the tone is occasionally per
haps rather too ecclesiastical instead of Catholic.
The question of the National Defences is interesting
enough since the publication of the Duke's letter; but it is
said that at least 140,000 militia and I forget how many of
the line are to be raised. Seriously I shall not be surprized
at a war within three months.
To HIS FATHER
CAMBRIDGE, February 26th, 1848.
. . . Our Town and Gown Rows have long ceased. The
magistrates had ordered the police never to interfere ! but
luckily it was suddenly discovered or recollected that all
Heads of Houses are ex officio county magistrates, provided
they take the oaths. This the Vice-Chancellor did on Monday,
and instantaneously called out all the parish constables, and
made preparations for swearing in any number of special
constables that should be found necessary at a moment's
warning ; and it was agreed at a meeting of the Heads of
Houses that, should these measures prove ineffectual, they
would memorialize the Home Office on the subject of the
magistrates' strange and unwarrantable order. But the con
stables efficiently kept the peace, no ' cads ' venturing into
the streets, and I believe there has been no row since.
There were a few broken heads, but I do not believe there
were any very serious injuries received, though doubtless
some would soon have ensued ; for on the Saturday night it
was a matter of pokers and life-preservers on the one side
and the poles of the market booths on the other. It is well
the University have checked the rows in good time, for every
68 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
one was talking of the legendary 'Anatomical Rows,' when
the Senate issued orders to the whole University to assemble
and defend the Anatomical Schools from the mob vi et armis.
... I have written this letter as coolly and quietly as pos
sible, but the excitement both abroad and in my own par
ticular cranium is not small in consequence of this terrific
news from France. How strange that Louis Philippe should
twice have to seek shelter in England, where I suppose he is
by this time. Well, I hope he may meet with a generous
reception in spite of all his double-dealing, provided always
that we do not countenance him in his iniquities and
tyrannies.
To HIS FATHER
CAMBRIDGE, March loth, 1848.
... I am getting well on especially with mathematics,
which I like better the more I read, as of course is natural
when getting into the higher subjects ; for instance, it was very
interesting to-day to solve the problem by which Newton dis
covered the laws of the Solar System, and to feel that though
apparently I had only to deal with a mathematical figure of
lines and A's and B's on paper, still that S did really stand for
.Sun, and that ' body moving in an ellipse ' meant our own
little lump of earth. You will be sorry to hear that Tait has
been very ill for some time of rheumatic fever; the last
account (two days ago) was that it had reached his heart
and he was not expected to live. I am most grieved about
it 'for his own sake, and as for Rugby, I know not what will
be its fate.1
To HIS FATHER
CAMBRIDGE, March 1848.
... I find on inquiry that it will be very desirable to
make arrangements respecting reading in the summer term
now, if I am to go with a party. Now at the beginning of the
term Clark begged me to ask Budd whether he thought me
1 These fears were of course not realised.
VGE 19 CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE 69
likely to be a wrangler ; it was an awkward question to ask,
but I laid it on Clark's shoulders. Budd said that at my
present rate, working moderately about half at mathematics,
if I took up the Differential Calculus, and would read with any
one in the Long Vacation, I was sure of being a wrangler. The
Differential I have had in lecture this term, and am now going
to do some more with Budd, so thus the case stands. I tell
you this that you may know the circumstances clearly. This
would seem to point to the expediency of going in the summer
with a party and tutor, unless there is some reason against it.
. . . It seems to me that it is a mistake to regard this
vacational reading merely as an extra-terminal term, that it is
vacation ; while at the same time it is utterly absurd to do
as many parties do, squander money on a tutor, and then
scarcely open a book but amuse themselves with gaiety,
never-ceasing excursionising, or anything else they like, the
whole time. This arises from various causes ; the habits of
the tutor, the character and number of the party, the place of
abode, etc. etc. The object then is to get a small (not above
five) party of quiet reading men, who are likely to go well
together ; a tutor likewise quiet and reading, but cheerful and
one who would enjoy a walk not merely as a routine ' consti
tutional ' ; and lastly, a desirable locality, the four chief excel
lencies being freedom from much society (for it often happens
that the neighbourhood are hospitable to reading parties),
freedom from other reading parties as much as possible, cheap
ness, and fine scenery.
To HIS FATHER
CAMBRIDGE, Saturday night, April &th, 1848.
... I have deferred writing till after post hour, that I
might be able to give the result of the Little-go. I am ' ex
amined and approved ' ; whether in the first or second class I
shall not know for a week, but I am pretty sure in the first.
. . . Very few have been plucked as yet, especially at Trinity.
One of those misfortunates gave a somewhat singular answer in
the O. T. history ; one of the questions, speaking of the plague
of locusts in Egypt, asked, What became of the locusts?
70 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
he answered, " John the Baptist ate them." ... I was
rather puzzled, in inserting my name (in Latin) in the scholar
ship book, to know what to put for my native county ; I wrote
at last *• Eblancnsis? but I do not know whether they will
understand. A friend of mine, born at Bombay, was still more
puzzled. A Chartist meeting here did not come off; the
cricket-balls on Parker's Piece were too formidable.
To MR. GERALD BLUNT
CAMBRIDGE, April 26th, 1848.
My dear Blunt — Having obtained some further information
respecting the new scheme, I am sure you will like to hear
something about it. The younger Macmillan has been spend
ing some days in London, and consequently had an oppor
tunity of getting two hours' conversation with Maurice on
Good Friday. The publication is to be a royal 8vo double
column magazine (size of Penny Magazine] weekly, at a penny
per week, to be called Politics for the People ; the chief writers
to be Maurice, Hare, Kingsley, and Scott, a great friend of
Maurice's, whose writings I do not know, but they are greatly
praised by Macmillan, and Ellerton and Howard confirm the
character given him. Anybody, however, that likes may
write, subject, of course, to the discretion of the editor (who
the editor is, Macmillan does not know). The tone of it is
not to be, " Don't make such a row, you poor people ; the
Charter and all that sort of thing is humbug ; you don't know
anything about yourselves ; let us alone, and trust wiser heads
than yours " ; but rather to sympathise with all their feelings ;
show what are the real, true, and good principles which take
such absurd shapes as Chartism, etc., contradicting themselves
in struggling to express themselves ; in short, to speak as
working men — workers with brains, to working men — workers
with hands. Everything is to be anonymous.
I have been greatly delighted to hear that you approve of
Maurice's chapter on Baptism ; I think you will now thoroughly
enjoy his second volume, especially its noble ending. I
cannot say how deeply grieved I have been by your account
of poor Manning, though I have never read a line of his
AGE 20 CAMBRIDGE: UNDERGRADUATE LIFE 71
writings, but should much wish to do so. I would only
hope there may be some misapprehension of facts ; all who
know anything of him speak of him in such high and affectionate
terms ; he would be a loss indeed. At present Newman is, I
think, the only really great captive whom Rome can boast,
but Manning would be a second. Doubtless, if a man
conscientiously thinks that he ought to go to Rome, he ought,
but it by no means follows that he is in no degree morally to
blame in the process by which his mind has arrived at such a
result ; and I certainly think it a most fearful thing to quit
the church of one's baptism, if that church be a church and
not a mere sect.
Master Humphrey's Clock is an especial favourite of
mine ; The Old Curiosity Shop is exquisite, though perhaps
more ideal than human; and Barnaby Rudge is the per
fection of a tale ; but I do not think either are in the least
degree to be compared to Dombey and Son ; they are quite
unrivalled. I have been reading Tancred at breakfast and
tea ; it is most eccentric, but on the whole striking and good.
To HIS FATHER
CAMBRIDGE, May $th, 1848.
. . . The first thing you will wish to know about is the
scholarships. I have not got one. Only five of the thirteen
have been given to our year, while six were universally expected.
The successful candidates are Chance, the best classic of the
year, and also an excellent mathematician ; Westlake, the second
or at most third best mathematician of the year at Trinity, and
a first-class classic also, who read both classics and mathe
matics with the best 'coaches' at Cambridge for three years
before he entered the University (these two were always quite
certain) ; Watson, who is universally set down as Senior
Wrangler ; Beamont, who is certainly among our four best
classics, and is further well read in mathematics (N.B. He
reads eleven hours a day both term and vacations alike, and
until this term, when he went to London for three days, he had
not taken a single holiday except Sundays and Christmas Day
since last June twelvemonth, except that in last Easter vaca-
72 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
tion he read eight hours a day instead of eleven) ; and finally
Bowring, one of our best mathematicians and a very good
classic besides. I am afraid I have been a little disappointed,
for I did so much better in the examination than I expected
that my hopes were raised, though I did not feel the least
certainty of success, and I certainly have no reason to be dis
contented when I see who the successfuls are. ... I should
mention here that in a talk which I had with Thompson
between papers on Saturday morning I asked how I had done
in the Craven ; he said that the examiners had not taken parti
cular notice of any, but that they mentioned my name among
twelve or fourteen who had struck them as the best.
To HIS FATHER
CAMBRIDGE, May iqth, 1848.
. . . With respect to 's scholarship, I certainly
envy neither that nor any other honour he may obtain by
such suicidal means. He evidently means to get the Craven
next year, and to be Senior Classic the year after ; but I do
not think he is at all certain of either of these distinctions,
which are the highest objects of his wishes, and for the
acquisition of which he now sacrifices everything ; but two or
three, and I hope myself among the number, will run him
hard for both without turning ourselves into Classics-sausages.
To MR. JOHN ELLERTON
SEGRAVE VILLA, CHELTENHAM, June 2oth, 1848.
. . . You will have seen my unaccountable good luck.1 I
suppose some of my philosophical or St. Mark answers tickled
the fancy of the examiners, for the composition of the first
class shows how completely mathematics ruled the roast. . . .
Maurice on the Lord's Prayer I have just finished, and am
delighted with it beyond measure, especially with " Thy will
be done," etc., and the last sermon. I am steadily advancing
with Guesses at Truth, second series, with, of course, a not
1 i.e. In the College examination.
AGE 20 CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE 73
very unequal pleasure. The essays on Progression I think
remarkably wise and Christian, particularly at the end. I am
ashamed to say I have not yet ordered last Saturday's number
of Politics. I sent on Saturday a paper (without my name)
in answer to Ludlow's attack on Carlyle, signed T.C.C., but I
am doubtful whether they will admit it * ; its English is detest
able, but possibly Maurice may fancy it, as a general ' Help
. to the Interpretation of Carlylese,' I wrote it at the time when
I ought to be in bed (as I am now doing), and consequently
it is very crude and imperfect.
I have written, I believe, three lines of the Hulsean Essay,
and read scarcely anything, but my eagerness to try increases
daily. I read to-day Simon Ockley's Introduction ; it is amus
ing and sometimes sensible, but his ideas on the subject of
history are ludicrous and original.
I went yesterday (Wednesday) to the distribution of the
prizes at the College, to see my dear little pupil (whom I
remember mentioning to you, and who just missed a scholar
ship there in February) receive his prize. . . . Dobson, the
Principal, spoke for an hour, to my great delight ; no flattery
or talkee-talkee, but he abused the parents for giving their
boys unauthorized holidays, etc., in the most capital style. He
evidently fears neither public nor board of directors, and so
goes on well enough ; he then distributed the multitudinous
prizes, with a suitable modicum of commendation to each. . . .
Dobson gave us not a bad free version of
Coelum non animum mutant, qui trans mare ciirrimt.
viz. Change of school
Won't mend a fool.
I was greatly amused by a story that one of my little
pupil's sisters told me of his perfect innocence of theological
factions. He came home the other day, telling her that a
boy had been recounting the several occupations of his uncles
in London ; one uncle was a doctor, another was a ' Puritan.'
I This puzzled her, and she asked him whether he was sure of
the word Puritan. " Either that or something like it ! " " Was
it ' Puseyite ' ? " " Oh yes ! that was the word ! "
1 Apparently it was not inserted.
74 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
To MR. JOHN ELLERTON
CLIFTON, July 6th, 1848.
As it happens that I have some perfectly vacant time to
night, and a letter to you is likely to be a long one, I com
mence one which may possibly not be finisht for some days.
I quite forgot to mention in my last letter that on my transit
through London I was detained by want of train some time,
and accordingly took the opportunity of paying the Exhibition
a flying visit of about an hour. On the whole I was dis
appointed. I had scarcely time to look at more than those
pictures which I had heard particularly mentioned, — scarcely
even those, and therefore you must add a grain of salt to my
judgment. E. Landseer's ' Random Shot ' is certainly a true
work of genius, as much in what is left out as in what is
painted ; so much is left to be filled up by the imagination.
The pale red light on the snow, yet no sun visible, falling
on the sides of the lumps only, and therefore before the sun
has risen any height ; a mere sloping piece of snow without
background, a clear, grey, transparent frosty air, etc. The pair
from the ' Lyra Innocentium ' delighted me most ; for, though
not works of high genius, there was an indescribable air of
Raphaelic soft, gentle, calm beauty about them. If I had
had time, I could have gazed at them all day long. Stanfield's
landscapes are fine, but their style scarcely admits high art.
There is a queer one of Armitage's, some interview between
Henry VIII. and Catherine of Aragon. His jovial figure
was conceived with much fun, nursing his gouty leg, and well
drawn, but it is plain that this piece of waggery was the only
thing in the picture really felt by the artist. What surprised
me most was the miserable execution of nine-tenths of the
pictures ; so many were mere daubs. The sculpture is
execrable, except 'Una and the Lion,' which is more than
tolerable. (Three cheers for Spenser !) I was of course
interested in the figures of the young princes. The Prince of
Wales has a really fine and intellectual face. . . . The busts
are coarsely and badly executed, and you can scarcely get
light for any of them. Carlyle's is striking, but the engraving
gives you a far more living idea of the Iconoclast. The
AGE 20 CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE
75
Archbishop of Canterbury's is quite ideal. I never saw so
kind or so stolid a face.
The day before I left Cheltenham I went to the shop
where I had ordered the Politics. I gather from some
thing in No. 9 that it contains one of Kingsley's glorious
letters J to the Chartists. I hope you will have got them by
this time ; there are some wonderful things in them, particularly
Maurice's address in the last number, which, I deeply grieve
to say, announces the cessation of the periodical at the end of
this month.
Of the Heresy Test agitation I have seen nothing except
the official circular to which you allude, which is one of the
most dishonest affairs I ever saw; one not in the secret would
suppose, not that they were abolishing a test, but setting up
one which had been spurned, viz. that of the Articles. The
importance of the question seems to me incalculable. I feel
most strongly how thankful we should be that God, in His
care for this branch of His Church, restrained the framers of
our Articles from introducing into them those Calvinistic
errors to which they were themselves so much inclined, as is
indicated by several phrases in the Articles ; but the policy of
the Evangelicals is to have the Articles interpreted by the
other writings of their human framers, and not by the Antient
and Catholic Symbola and Liturgies which our Divine Chief
Bishop has provided for our safeguard. This reminds me of
Hooker, whose preface (and a little more) I have lately read with
much delight, and it is wonderful how his description of the
Puritans of his day fits on those of ours. . . .
I really do not understand what you mean when you expect
me to be ' surprized at many things in your views.' What
your peculiar position is, I mean as differenced from mine not
in degree only but also in kind, I do not know ; but perhaps
you will forgive my saying a few words of the thoughts that
every event and book confirms in my mind. For it is impossible
to forget how important is every event now happening, every
opinion now broached in reference to the part that you and I
alike, if God spare us, will have to play in life ; and nothing so
frequently engages my attention as thinking what my theo-
1 The letters signed « Parson Lot.'
76 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, m
logical position must be. Now, looking at the doctrinal
question, I think we shall avoid much disquietude by laying
it down as a preliminary axiom that we must not expect ever
to get to the bottom of the meaning of baptism. One of the
things, I think, which shows the falsity of the Evangelical
notion of this subject, is that it is so trim and precise, so totus
feres atque rotundus, as Simeon would have exprest it. Now no
deep spiritual truths of the Reason are thus logically harmonious
and systematic, hence I never expect to get completely round^
to comprehend, the idea of baptism. But I believe we agree
in thinking that Maurice's view, so far as we enter into it, is
the true one, though I, at least, — and I should be surprized
were it otherwise, — am still rather /;/ nubibus about some
points relating to it ; chiefly concerning the relation of the
baptized to the unbaptized. Is the Holy Spirit given only in
baptism (I mean, of course, not till baptism), or given before
but increased in baptism, or lastly, is it given to every human
creature, and is baptism only its seal and assurance ? This is
a point on which I should much like to have a long talk with
Maurice himself.
But with respect to what is to be our conduct in reference
to this question, which seems likely to split our Church, I
think our duty is plain, viz. to remain neutral as far as possible
— neutral, I mean, as to joining a party ; at the same time
in language stating that we maintain 'Baptismal Regenera
tion ' as the most important of doctrines, claiming for our
selves that title, and letting the Romanisers find out the
difference between their view and ours if they will, but con
sidering that no business of ours ; but on the other hand, should
things come to such a pass that, as in the war between
Charles I. and his Parliament, neutrality is an impossibility,
and we must join one party or the other, I should have no
hesitation in cleaving at all hazards to the Church for several
reasons : ist, . . . almost all Anglican statements are a mixture
in various proportions of the true and the Romish view ; 2nd,
the pure Romish view seems to me nearer, and more likely to
lead to, the truth than the Evangelical ; 3rd, we should bear
in mind that that hard and unspiritual mediaeval crust which
enveloped the doctrine of the sacraments in stormy times,
AGE 20 CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE
77
though in a measure it may have made it unprofitable to
many men of that time, yet in God's providence preserved it
inviolate and unscattered for future generations ; 4th, whatever
may be the inclinations of the so-called ' Anglo-Catholics,'
they cannot restore medievalism ; the nineteenth century
renders it impossible ; and further, the Bible then was closed,
but now, thanks to Luther, it is open, and no power (unless it
be the fanaticism of the bibliolaters, among whom reading so
many ' chapters ' seems exactly to correspond to the Romish
superstition of telling so many dozen beads on a rosary) can
close it again ; a curious proof of which is afforded by the absurd
manner in which the ' Anglo-Catholics ' defend, as they think,
the Bible from 'Rationalists'; 5th, to the Church, her con
stitution being sacramental, we must adhere, if we will follow
God's way and not our own; only in the Church does He
promise all the blessings of the New Covenant. We may have
to suffer the temporary loss of some goodly branches of
Christianity, and much of its genial and spiritual quality may
be in part debarred us ; still we dare not forsake the Sacra
ments, or God will forsake us. Holding them, we hold the root
and the trunk, shorn for a while of its foliage, perhaps of its
branches, but in due time they will sprout forth again ; whereas
if we forsake the root and trunk to embrace the foliage, we
shall find it wither before long, and we shall be embarked on
a stormy sea of opinion without rudder or oar.
... I do not feel quite so certain of the truth of Arnold's
view of the Sabbath as I did. I do not mean that I am re
turning to the Judaizing notion, but I am inclined to regard
the Sabbath as an universal institution for mankind, of the
same kind as and coaetaneous with the universal institution of
marriage. I do not see clearly whether this is Maurice's view,
but I believe it is not far from it ; thus its central idea would
be not abstinence from work, but rest, in accordance with the
words, " The Sabbath was made for man, and not man for the
I Sabbath." Sabbath-breaking will then include little else than
hindering Sunday from being a day of rest to others.
... I do not think there is a book more utterly free from
Manichaeism than the Christian Year, nor can I believe that
its author's mind, however narrowed by dogmas, could ever
78 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
lose its genuine and healthy Christian freshness. Talking of
your friend Shields and his carnivora forsaking the butcher
for the greengrocer, I am inclined to think that no such state
as 'Eden' (I mean the popular notion) ever existed, and
that Adam's fall in no degree differed from the fall of each of
his descendants, as Coleridge justly argues that in each
individual man there must have been a primal apostasy of the
will, or else sin would not be guilty, but merely a condition of
nature.
I have now finisht the Guesses ; they are mostly good,
but I have faults to find. He should not slander ' Heathen
virtue,' etc., but the pieces on Idolatry, Obscurantism, In
dependence, where, however, I think he misunderstands
Horace, are delightful. I wrote anonymously to him a week
ago, pointing out to him his apparent plagiarism about the
nettle.
Hearing that J. H. Newman was about to go over to Rome,
, a perfect stranger, sent him a copy of some book on the
errors of Popery, with a request that he would return it when
read, as it was borrowed from a friend ; and also a copy of
1 my unanswerable Essay on Romanism ' : at the same time
assuring Newman that he always maintained that it was only
on the ground of ' Anglo- Catholicism ' that Popery could be
resisted ; and that he had stood on that ground in his well-
known controversy with some priests in Dublin, at which it
was generally allowed that he stumped the priests. Newman
sent him a cool, pithy, but proper answer, saying that as the
book was borrowed^ he returned it at once.
I hope has had enough of his friends the Communists
by this time. What an awful affair it has been ! The blood
shed is a cheap price indeed if it have crushed that devilry ;
but the quiet, individual, deliberate assassinations and burnings
show that there is no security. The utter ignorance of the
subject that I meet with surprizes me. The whole is looked
upon as a sort of violent and extreme Radicalism or Re
publicanism ; they use ' Socialist ' and ' Communist ' in
differently, and there seems not the smallest insight into
the deep and turbid feelings of the age. What disgusts me
most is the sneers that qualify every expression of praise of
AGE 20 CAMBRIDGE :
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79
Lamartine. " Oh ! he's a poet / a man of imagination and
enthusiasm, a dreamer ! with a good deal of the sentiment of
religion ! how can a poet be a statesman ? " Bah ! the utter
ignorance of poetry and art that seems universal ! Truth to
say, however, I have not quite so high an opinion of Lamartine
as I had, though I never can forget the noble stand he took
in defence of law at the dangerous and critical moment of
the first outbreak.
I am getting on very slowly with my essay. I fancy it will
startle the Examiners a little — I mean of course by its novel
style and mode of treating the subject, not by its merits.
Here I have written a tremendous letter all about myself and
my own doings, and I hope you will do the same ; for, though
I am afraid I have thought more of what I wisht to say than
what you would like to hear, it is just all that you have to say
on any or all of these or other subjects, that is what I most
want to get from you. Since writing the above I have been
down in Bristol looking at some of the churches. The
Cathedral is very poor, in the Transition style from Decorated
English to Perpendicular, but bad of both. There is, how
ever, a very beautiful Norman gateway in the close.
To MR. JOHN ELLERTON
BRYN HYFRYD, DOLGELLY, August gtk, 1848.
[Finished August
I am at last endeavouring to begin an answer to your most
delightful letter. ... I had a beautiful passage to Ilfracombe,
and the sail from Linton to that place close in shore by moon
light was most enjoyable. I had a very pleasant three weeks
at Ilfracombe, and botanised extensively, especially at sea-weeds.
It is a curious country ; most of the hills themselves are ugly
and tame, but they are intersected by beautiful wooded
1 coombes ' or vallies. At Ilfracombe itself there is a great
contortion of the strata, which makes the hills much broken,
especially on the sea -shore, where the rocks are very fine.
The Old Red Sandstone is there represented by a sort of soft,
very fissile slate.
So FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
You will be curious to hear of the church. We went to
the parish church. The service was excellently performed
(not chorally), the choir consisting of nine girls from the
schools in white caps and tippets, who were beautifully
trained, but deeper and fuller tones were wanted ; the chants
were mostly Gregorian, and I got to like them exceedingly.
The sermons are a great deal quieter than they were four years
ago. One man whose face struck me much, preached twice :
. . . He seemed really to feel the Church and the Sacraments
to be Divine, and not mere amulets, or things ^to be talked big
about. The last Sunday I was there I heard the Bishop of
Fredericton preach for his new Cathedral, and was exceed
ingly pleased. There was nothing very striking in the sermon,
which was, however, sensible, moderate, and good; but his
earnest, gentle manner quite won me to love him.
I left Ilfracombe this day week by coach to Barnstaple ;
thence also by coach to Tiverton, and thence by rail to
Taunton, . . . and went up into the town to see the churches.
St. Mary's is perfectly magnificent. It is early Perpendicular,
and has a grand lofty tower of six or seven stories. It has
been lately fully restored, and so I had to pay sixpence ad
mission, much to my disgust at the imitation of St. Paul's.
It is very large, but naviform, and has no gallery but a small
one at the west end for the organ. The columns are light and
exquisite, the capitals being an angel-bust holding a shield ;
the roof is of the finest wood-carving, and the sittings are a
sort of open wide seats. There are some good new stained-
glass windows, and a fine font with a most magnificent cover
to it. I think it would be perfect in its kind, but for the
polychrome which covers almost every place ; yet so exquisitely
has it been managed that you do not perceive the gaudiness
till you examine the parts in detail. . . .
After seeing the churches, I met Chambers by appoint
ment at the station, and again railed to Bristol. Here we
ran to give him a peep at St. Mary's RedclifTe. . . . We
started by the mail at a quarter past 2 A.M., reached Here
ford about 6, after seeing the sun rise beautifully over
Malvern, and then ran to peep at the Cathedral. It is neither
large nor rich, but a noble, simple Early English building (with
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81
some Perpendicular windows), and Dean Merewether seems
restoring it in the best possible taste. Thence for a long way
over the rich undulating plain of veritable Old Red Sandstone
to Kington, where we entered Wales.
Thence we wound up through hills of slate, some pretty,
others not, passing one exquisite spot, the vale and inn
of Pen-y-bont, to Rhayader. Here the scenery became wilder
and more mountainous, and gradually we ascended to a most
bleak and dismal region on the shoulder of Plinlimmon, a
mere bog-dumpling, whose head did not appear. Thence
we drove rapidly down, obtaining most glorious views, to
Aberystwith, which we reached at 4 P.M. We strolled on the
beach in the evening and picked up pebbles, and then went to
bed.
At half-past 7 A.M. we again mounted the coach, and after
winding over and among some fine hills, on surmounting one
ridge, we came upon a sight which I shall never forget.
Below us was a rich hill with a mixture of grassy hollows,
woods, and thickets sloping down to the noble estuary of the
Dyfi (or Dovey), the tide being fully in ; and on the opposite
shore, just where the narrow lake opened into the blue sea,
lay the village of Aberdyfi, the scene of the earlier part of the
first story of the Shadows of the Clouds?- It was at the
base of high hills soon rising into high mountains, swelling
with knolls of all colours, some a rich purple with heath,
others a dun yellow with furze, others all tints of green,
and, as if to complete the whole, the light white clouds hid
the sunshine from innumerable spots on the hills, and their
'shadows' were ever shifting and changing the wondrous
beauty of the view. This was at ten on a bright August
morning, when everything lookt fresh and joyous. I cannot
describe my feelings at the sight, which probably on that very
spot suggested the title of that wonderful book — perhaps had
no small share in exciting the thoughts which there find
expression. I do not think the most bigoted of the orthodox
could feel any bitterness against the poor doubter there. It
seemed as if it were not one Oxford student's questionings
I '•hat came before me, but the groans and cries of a distracted
1 By J. A. Froude.
VOL. I G
'
82 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
world. All the seething abysses of humanity, growing ever
hotter as centuries flew by, seemed boiling over in a
wild negation, emptying the world of its life yet pleading
for living beings, bursting in its phrensy many heart-threads,
yet checkt and pulled aside by others more fully instinct
with the life of God. And then all this misery and madness
was so real and well grounded. I, ' the heir of all the ages,'
inherited, as part of the awful legacy, the accumulation and
culmination of all they had of dark and horrible, and it ever
went with me, casting its shadow on me, and threatening
itself to crush me. And then the 72nd Psalm rang through
my ears, and the calm sea reflecting the sky and the solid
mountains seemed to confirm its words, and I felt that all the
beauty before me was owing to the sun, and the shadows on
the mountains were cast by their own earthy exhalations,
while he kept his steady course unchanging above. I am
afraid all this sounds absurd enough on paper; but the
Shadows of the Clouds made an impression on me of a sort
that no other book ever did, and the scene, so glorious in itself,
and entwined with such associations, might well move me
more than ordinary views.
To continue my narrative : we soon reached Machynlleth,
pretty and no more ; and then drove through some beautiful
vallies, till at the end of one of them part of Cader Idris
appeared. We descended into the long straight valley of Tal-
y-Llyn, barren and rugged, which runs along his back ; walked
up it, and then rounding the end of Cader, came upon a
beautiful view of the rich valley of Dolgelly, with mountains of
moderate height on the other side. We reacht the town at
half-past one. Mathison, Mackenzie, and Gill came three or
four hours afterwards from Chester by Rhuabon and Bala.
We have a most excellent house just outside the town — on,
in fact, the base of Cader Idris, though he is too near to be
visible.
We have now (August 2oth, I am ashamed to say) had
many glorious walks, as to the waterfalls of Rhaiadr Du, etc.,
and the tops of various mountains, including of course Cader
Idris, which has some noble precipices. We read very toler
ably, about five hours a day : I botanise considerably, and we
AGE 20 CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE
are seldom less than six hours on a walk. Our costumes are,
of course, peculiar. I, for instance, appear in a shooting-
jacket with a shepherd's plaid over my shoulders, a wide
awake on my head, a large vasculum on my back, and a stout
stick in my hand ; to say nothing of knives, small vasculum,
hammers, etc., in pockets; but I get mighty little time for
private reading or writing. We leave this on Thursday week,
and we have strong hopes of getting a house at Llanberis
for the remaining fortnight, when we shall inspect Snowdon
well.
The church here is a singular building ; the guides call it
"a neat structure in the Greek style of architecture." This
sketch will give you an idea of the windows, but at a distance
the effect is not bad. The inside is most rough and slovenly :
coarse open seats like forms with backs to them, rude gallery
with an arch of this shape, etc. The morning service and
sermon are in Welsh. We always attend, and in fact can
take almost as good a part in the service as in England. It
not only made one bless God for an uniform Liturgy in which
all might join of different tongues, realising the Romish idea
of universal Latin prayers, but seemed to give a substantial
reality and meaning to Catholicity ; it was truly the Catholic,
the universal Church, offering up united prayers, overleaping
the bounds of race and tongue, asserting one Lord, one faith,
one baptism.
I send you the Politics, for I am sure you must long for
them. Maurice's Confessions of William Milward^ contain
treasures of practical instruction both for our own hearts and
our conduct to others. I know no tale to compare to them
for divine unconscious humanity ; words cannot express the
depth of my obligations to them ; verily God's Laws are
mightier than theories. The magnificent Letters to Land
lords must be Kingsley's; no one else could write them.
They convey the true ideal of English character. You will see
that the last few numbers are almost exclusively addrest to
the upper classes. There are some invaluable articles of
Maurice's on Education, especially in Nos. 14, 15; the former
has a most pregnant article on the Colonies. In another year
1 A story published in supplementary numbers of the Politics.
84 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
men will be compelled to see the gigantic importance of the
question. I have got the plan of the colony of Canterbury,
but not yet finisht reading it. Also a singular but pithy
Dialogue by W. S. Landor on Italy. . . .
I quite agree with you that Lord Ashley is a noble fellow
when he rises above his coneyism, but I am very suspicious
of his Ragged School Emigration scheme; surely we have
enough colonies already visited with God's curse for being
composed of the dregs of society. I can't make out from
Maurice's article what he thinks about it.
There are three most interesting things in yesterday's
paper in the debates, ist, A short, wise, temperate speech
of Gladstone's on the Education quarrel between Government
and the National Society, in which he by no means rejects
lay management, only complaining of the want of interest
shown by laymen. Lord John thanked him heartily for his
speech, and said that the quarrel was all but settled. 2nd,
Gladstone made a long speech, universally applauded, on
Lord Grey's mismanagement of Vancouver's Island, which
will soon be among our most important colonies. 3rd, The
money voted for the Professorships at the Universities, which,
of course, involved an attack on both Professorships and
Universities. Goulburn ably defended both ; and Lord John
said, in reference to the petition for the admission of Dis
senters to degrees at Cambridge, that his idea was to make
us give them certificates of examination (the three and a
quarter's years course they have now) when they had been
examined as if for our degrees, but make the London Uni
versity confer the degrees. Gladstone again made a most
beautiful, short, sensible speech, testifying that at Oxford the
colleges were daily becoming more efficacious, real living
bodies, and thanking Lord John warmly for his wise, practical
views and intentions.
I have not time now to talk of ... so will pass on. Nor
indeed of the Sabbath; only observing that in my idea
'Sabbath-neglecting' would be the mischief, and 'Sabbath-
breaking ' mean simply nothing.
I have just read through The Princess again with the
utmost delight; I do not know whether its wisdom or its
AGE 20 CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE 85
beauty predominates. I am still, however, in the dark as
to the meaning of one of the Idyls, that beginning —
Now sleeps the crimson petal, now the white.
I utterly and entirely recant the slanders I formerly uttered
against its purity ; The Sainfs Tragedy has taught me truer
ideas. By the way, I have also just read that book again,
and of course likewise with redoubled pleasure and, I hope,
more than pleasure ; somehow or other much of its manifold
meaning must have escaped me on the first perusal. I had
been thinking for some weeks on one of the mysterious sub
jects which it handles gently but resolutely ; I scarcely know
what suggested it to me — I believe a remarkable passage in
the first Guesses. I had much inward debating, but at last I
came to the conclusion which, to my great delight, I have
since found The Sainfs Tragedy teaches.
But I must now (August 25th) return to your kind com
ments on my scrap of Essay,1 which I have long received. I
agree in the main with your observations, tho' I am not in
clined to adopt all your alterations. ... To tell the truth, as,
whether successful or unsuccessful, I can of course write only
for the former alternative, I am not without hopes in that case
of effecting something in poor Oxford, which, I forgot to tell
you, is now, I hear on good authority, overrun with earnest
disciples of Froude and George Sand; especially a knot of
Rugby men. Tennyson I will think about, but I am loth to
leave him out ; he explains so well what I mean, and is useful
collaterally by showing that I am not transcribing cut-and-dry
notions from Maurice or elsewhere, but mean what I say,
and am able to recognize the same idea under dissimilar forms.
Manichaeism is very delicate ground, though possibly I may do as
you suggest ; but I am afraid not only of seeming MavpiKifcw,
but of marring all by what must be in fact a general attack on
the whole religious world of all parties. I have written very
little more, being hard up for time here, but will send when I
have a decent scrap. There is no limit to the length, but in my
>e the difficulty will be to write long enough from want of time;
cannot help my introduction being disproportionate. . . .
1 For the Hulsean prize.
86 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
I saw an extract from the article that you mention ; it
spoke of a High Church feeling, even when ' Tractarianism
proper ' is on the wane, gaining ground in both Universities.
I believe it is true, and we may well thank God for it ; we
need it much. Politics drive me mad, when I think of them.
Ireland I expect every moment to break out afresh, not per
haps in civil war but in endless skirmishing and bloodshed,
and it seems 'the spirit of the age' will not hang traitors.
The Chartists in London have, I suppose you know, been
found to be solemnly leagued with the French Communists,
and the same confederation extends through Europe. We
shall have a bloody winter in the provinces, perhaps in
London. O that Gladstone or even Peel were in ! Italy is
vexatious indeed; I suppose her time is not yet come, but
injustice and robbery shall not always prevail, however
Disraeli may sneer at 'the sentimental principle of nation
ality ' — that's because the Italians are not Jews.
. . . But it has struck 2 A.M., so good night or morning,
which you please.
To HIS FATHER
DOLGELLY, August l6tk, 1848.
... On Sundays we have attended the Welsh service in
the morning, which we could easily follow, and the English in
the afternoon. As there are four services in the day, the
English sermon generally falls to some clergyman passing
through, and they do not always fare well in consequence ;
for instance, ten days ago an old canon of Manchester who
preached recommended us to keep regularly a journal for
entering all our good and all our bad actions, and to take
care to keep the balance on the side of the former, as we
should then feel very comfortable on our death-beds ! !
To MR. JOHN ELLERTON
25 ATHEN^UM STREET,
PLYMOUTH, September 2$th, 1848.
I presume from your silence that you are waiting for a
fresh instalment of my unhappy Essay. . . .
20 CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE
I spent a very pleasant month at Dolgelly, and a still
more pleasant fortnight at Llanberis, right at the foot of
Snowdon ; C. C. Babington was there for two or three days,
and I had some very enjoyable botanical expeditions with
him. But I have no time to say more than that, after
scrambling about crags and precipices to my heart's content,
I left Llanberis last Monday, went to Bangor, Menai Bridge,
Britannia Bridge, Beaumaris, Bangor, and Conway, and came
on by a night train to Plymouth, where my family have been
nearly a fortnight. It is an interesting place, but I cannot
stop to talk about it. I hope to enjoy the neighbourhood of
Torquay. . . .
I have just got Henry of Exeter's August Charge, as well
as Archdeacon Manning's. The first I have read with much
satisfaction ; probably I should not agree with all he says,
but his defence of the Prayer-book and his utter demoli
tion of are truly magnificent. Manning's I have only
glanced at; it is chiefly on the Hampden case, and seems
written in quite the right spirit, and promises to be invalu
able. I never read anything more beautiful than some of
the passages.
To MR. JOHN ELLERTON
3 TORWOOD MOUNT,
TORQUAY, October 2nd, 1848.
This is a most beautiful spot, and the air (on the hills)
far less relaxing than I expected ; the verdure is of the richest
green, and the view of Torbay through the wooded villose
hills is exquisite. At the back we have within a mile or two
noble limestone and marble cliffs, and then the beautiful forms
into which the sea wears the New Red Sandstone, with the
coast trending away by Teignmouth and Exmouth down to
the Bill of Portland, which is visible in very clear weather.
Henry of Exeter's villa, Bishopstowe, commands the most
beautiful spot of the whole.
I never was in such a state of mental and spiritual
lethargy, broken only momentarily by occasional circum-
88 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
stances, as in Wales, and for a fortnight before I went
there. I do not mean that I did not think and ponder,
doubt and believe, jactabam et jactabar — I might as easily
live without meat and drink — but all the grand scenery did
not move me as it should have done ; and the utmost effect
was to make me separate once or twice from the party, get
close down to a waterfall, and chant some Psalm at the top of
my voice into the midst of the roar — a singular employment
truly. Nor am I much better now, nor expect to be till I
hear Trinity organ again, and am able to open my mouth on
the subject of subjects.
I am more and more drinking in Maurice's Lord's Prayer.
I will go so far as to say that, except the Kingdom of Christ ',
there is not a theological book in English to equal it ; but it
is very hard to get imbued with it. There are, however,
some inestimable sermons in the other volume,1 particularly
a Lent series on our Lord's temptation. It is such a plea
sure to dwell on them that I must give you a bit that is
mighty indeed against the worst and the most unceasing of
temptations, viz. to deny our baptism. . . .
[Then follow two quotations from Christmas Day and other Sermons,
from Sermon xii. pp. 167, 1 68, and from Sermon xiii. pp. 181, 182.]
I think the Canterbury scheme admirable, and wish it all
success. With regard to what you say about joining it, the
thought has more than once flitted across my mind. I am
afraid that, at all events, a selfish attachment to home would
keep me here, to say nothing of unselfish attachment. I
cannot bear the idea of being separated from the fortunes
of our own ancestral Church and 'not yet enslaved, not
wholly vile ' England. But more than this, I am sure Maurice
is right in dwelling so strongly on the sin of choosing our
own circumstances instead of following God's course : now
our whole bent and purpose has been to labour in the English
Church, and without some distinct call from God, I do not
see what right we have to abandon it.
1 Christmas Day and other Sermons, 1st ed. 1843.
LIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE
To HIS FATHER
CAMBRIDGE, November 17 'th, 1848.
. Jenny Lind is, I believe, to be here on the 25th; at
least there is some negotiation pending touching the Union
room for her, as they say it will hold eight hundred. A more
successful attempt than usual has been made this year to get
up a football club, which I have joined, as it will relieve the
dull monotony of Cambridge walks. I was last night sum
moned suddenly to a meeting of delegates from various schools,
to draw up a code of laws, effecting a compromise between
the Eton and Rugby systems, which are totally different. This
kept me till late, and I forgot that it was my day for writing,
so that I am sorry to say this is Friday. . . . You ask after
my brambles : the few which I felt sure I had named rightly,
were so ; those I had guessed at vaguely were mostly wrong.
Some gave Babington a good deal of trouble to discriminate,
being gathered late in the year, when they were no longer in
perfection. I had got hold of several good ones, and he
accepted of several (I had dried duplicates of many) as useful
additions to his herbarium ; one in particular, which I found
the day I walked towards Teignmouth, was the only English
specimen he had ever seen answering to the figure and descrip
tion of a German bramble (at least only very unlike varieties
of it had been found in England). I had but the one speci
men, but it was of more consequence to him than me. The
great long-branched thing was, as I supposed, an odd form of
a common sort. Curiously enough, the beautiful bramble
which filled the wood at Berry Pomeroy Castle, and which I
also found on the way to Anstis Cove, was another form of
the plant I mentioned last but one, and was quite strange to
Babington, though he said he felt sure that I had done right
in referring it to that species. He has asked me, when I have
full leisure (for he is most careful and anxious not to interfere
with my regular work), to write him out a list of those I found,
with their localities. Reckoning up roughly, I find that, in
cluding recognised 'varieties,' I obtained this summer ten
brambles at Llanberis, and sixteen at Plymouth and Torquay,
which, I think, is pretty well for a beginning. I will now con-
90 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP.
elude, as I am in the midst of a high-flown panegyric on ' our
good Edmund,' which has to be given in to-morrow night, and
the greater part of which is as yet unwritten.
To MR. JOHN ELLERTON
15 LANSDOWN CRESCENT, CHELTENHAM,
December igth, 1848.
... I own I have been much annoyed about the Hulsean :
not that I had any right to expect it from the literary, annota-
tory, and other merit which generally decides such matters in
Cambridge University. But I do believe mine had some
rough life in it, not altogether useless for the times.
What lots of 'historical' debates at the Union we who
remain shall witness next year ! I groan at the thought ; only
I promise myself the luxury of endless denuntiation (to be
received with the additional luxury of endless groaning) of the
wretched impostor,1 calling himself a historian.
To MR. JOHN ELLERTON
CHELTENHAM, December 2gth, 1848.
. . . What is to become of Ireland ? Of course you have
read the deeply interesting letters of Lords Sligo and West-
meath in the Times. A letter has to-day reacht some rela
tions of mine here from one of their family who is married to
the clergyman of a parish near Skibbereen, which says that an
order has just come down from the Commissioners to say that
the land shall support all, and that relief shall be given to all
in the parish, whether they will work or not, at the expense of
all occupiers in the parish, every one being starved already.
From all quarters I hear that the sufferings of the clergy and
smaller gentry this winter are likely far to surpass any of the
previous sufferings of the poor. I do not know a parallel for
the cool perverseness of Lord John. There seems a dead
silence in the political atmosphere : we must only trust that
Gladstone is preparing for a more terrible onslaught on the
1 Macaulay, see p. 106.
in CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE 91
English, Irish, and colonial policy of our miserable govern
ment. If he anticipates Disraeli and leads the attack, there
is some hope of his attaining the post of pilot to the world.
Yet Ireland will more than perplex even him.
Ellerton took his degree and went down in 1849,
and was for some time tutor to some Scotch boys, to
whose education some of the letters of this year refer.
His friend took a keen interest in his efforts for the
boys' improvement, and also advised and encouraged
him in the difficult and delicate task of instilling
' Catholic ' principles into the family.
In the spring of this year Hort obtained his
scholarship at Trinity, and in W. H. Thompson's
opinion, did best of his year in classics in the examina
tion. He had begun to attend the meetings of the
Ray Club, prominent members of which were Paget,
the two Stokes, and Adam Sedgwick, and of which he
himself became a member the next year. There was
by way of recreation much botanising with Babington,
and with parties conducted by Professor Henslow.
Other intimate friends were Henry Mackenzie, C. H.
Chambers, and J. Westlake, and he corresponded freely
with Mr. Gerald Blunt, as well as with Ellerton, his
letters to whom had something of the character of a
journal intime. Another important friendship, acquired
in his first term, was that of Daniel Macmillan, to whom
he had been introduced by his tutor, W. H. Thompson.
He himself has told, in a paragraph contributed to Mr.
T. Hughes' Memoir (pp. 213, 214), how pleasant talks
in the larger shop recently opened by Macmillan led to
a warm intimacy.
The Long Vacation was spent mostly at the Lakes ;
in the course of his rambles there his mind ran much
on theological difficulties, and his perplexities caused
92 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP.
at times deep depression. The result was that not
long after his return to Cambridge he wrote to
Maurice a long letter on Eternal Punishment and
Redemption, which elicited the answer printed in
Maurice's Life} This important letter led to a friend
ship which lasted till Maurice's death.
At the end of the same term he took scarlatina ;
the attack was apparently not regarded as severe at
the time, but it left a permanent mark on his constitu
tion. The immediate consequence was that he was
only able to take the first part of the Mathematical
Tripos in January 1850, and was therefore placed in
the Junior Optimes, whereas it had been hoped that he
would be a wrangler. He ' passed for honours ' in
the first part of the examination, and wished to have
ceger affixed to his name in the final class list, but the
application was refused for fear of abuse of the pre
cedent. He had not dared to take an 'aegrotat'
degree, with the risk of being thereby excluded from
the Classical Tripos ; strangely enough, it was not
certain whether or no an ' honour aegrotat ' would
count for this purpose as ' honours.' He had there
fore to be content with a place much below his merits,
and unredeemed by any official explanation. It was
necessary in those days to obtain honours in mathe
matics in order to go in for classical honours,
and candidates for the Chancellor's Classical Medals
were required to have obtained at least a second class
in mathematics ; from this competition he was there
fore debarred. He wrote as follows to his mother on
this unlucky accident : "I am afraid that you all
take my humble place to heart far more than I do
myself. I now hardly ever think of it. In fact, if I
1 Vol. ii. pp. 15, 1 6.
CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE
93
did, I should be convicting myself of insincerity and
inconsistency, having always talked pretty loudly
against the folly of making the degree the sole end
in reading, and supposing it to be the main object for
which we come up to the University. Every one here
knows why I am so low. You all know it, and I
shall probably take an opportunity of letting Tait
know before he leaves Rugby. Almost the only
reason for regret, apart from the loss of a good
chance of a Chancellor's Medal, is that I shall be
exhibited in the Calendar in a position which will
make people think that I despised the mathematics
of the University, and only read enough of them to
allow me to take honours in classics, a proceeding
which I have always vehemently condemned."
The effects of scarlatina are doubtless also to be
traced in his place in the Classical Tripos, which was
a disappointment to his friends. He was bracketed
third, E. H. Perowne being first, and C. Schreiber
second.
His father and mother left Cheltenham in this year
for a house which they rented for a year at the village
of Newland, in Monmouthshire, whence they moved in
1851 to Hardwick House, near Chepstow. After a
summer spent partly in seeing the new home and
partly in visits to friends, including one to Ellerton at
his first curacy, during which he "sat up all night
talking and packing," he returned to Cambridge to
read for the newly-instituted examinations in Moral
and in Natural Sciences, and for the Trinity Fellow
ships. He became a member of the Ray Club and a
Fellow of the Cambridge Philosophical Society. In
this and the following years his activity seemed to
expand even further in all directions, while interests
94 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
apparently conflicting did not distract him from the
pursuit of aims clearly seen and deliberately chosen.
His first letter to Maurice had naturally led to
others ; he consulted him again about a course of
philosophical reading. Maurice's answer1 indicates
that one object of the letter was to obtain guidance
concerning the light thrown by philosophical theories
on contemporary social problems. His interest in
Plato and Aristotle, to say nothing of more modern
speculations, was anything but antiquarian ; in par
ticular, the subject of Communism was one which was
much in his thoughts.
In May 1850 he for the first time heard Maurice
preach. The following day he breakfasted with him
to meet some of the 'Christian Socialists' — Mr.
Ludlow, Mr. T. Hughes, and Vansittart Neale. He
again breakfasted with Maurice the next day, this time
alone, and thenceforward their meetings were tolerably
frequent. His critical attitude towards * Christian
Socialism ' is illustrated by his letters to Ellerton.
Botanical work went briskly forward ; there was
much correspondence with Babington, who got his
friend to review botanical books in the Annals of
Botany^ e.g. Arnott's new Flora published in this year.
He also was frequently called on to advise friends
beginning the study of botany. Many friends, and
not a few strangers, both now and in later years,
received from him ungrudging and valuable assistance
of this kind in the Alps or elsewhere.
On theological and literary subjects he exchanged
opinions freely by post with Daniel and Alexander
Macmillan. The former gave him an interesting
piece of advice with regard to the writing of prize
1 See Life of F. D. Maurice, vol. ii. p. 37.
JE 20 CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE
95
essays, telling him that he " must put his thoughts
into the form that people are accustomed to : those
who have important things to say should try to say
them in the dialect of those to whom they speak."
From a letter of Alexander Macmillan's it appears
that Hort did not at this time l appreciate Tennyson's
In Memoriam. The ground of objection was theo
logical. For instance, he strongly disapproved of the
notion that ' Universalism is necessary to sustain
love.'
To MR. JOHN ELLERTON
CAMBRIDGE, March $th, 1849.
My dear Ellerton — The Addison, or a part thereof, have
just left my rooms after a most exquisitely amusing semi-
paper from Isaacs on ' Solitude ' ; and now I am sitting down
to begin to spin a yarn of such brain-stuff as I can command :
and in fact I have enough to say to make the Post-Office's
fortune. . . .
The day you left Hare's pamphlet appeared, with a
magnificent letter of Maurice's appended. The former is
very good, tho' certainly abusive and once or twice unfair;
he speaks excellently on Inspiration. Maurice has thundered
again against all parties, charging upon them the prevalent
Pantheism, etc., and prophesying their downfall, and the crash
when it happens ; he manfully asserts the Priesthood, at the
same time showing its especial function to be the setting free
of conscience, etc. — Most affectionately yours,
FENTON J. A. HORT.
To MR. JOHN ELLERTON
CAMBRIDGE, March loth, 1849.
FINISHT, April ist.
... I continue my letter — and really I am bursting with
matter and explosive gas. I believe the book I had better
1 See vol. ii. p. 71.
96 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
next speak of is Froude's Nemesis of Faith^ a truly wonderful
book. Its motto needs no comment to assure us of its truth
now ; it is from the end of the Prometheus^ /cat p?v e^yw . . .
crecraAetrrcu and cr/apra 8' . . . aTroSet/cvvyaeva.1
It is briefly the tale of a young man tormented with sceptical
doubts, who enters holy orders, is driven from them by the
exposure of an evangelical, resigns his preferment, and goes to
Italy, where his doubts increase, and he falls into a strange
love-affair with the wife of a boorish English squire. At last, on
her asking him to run off with her (do not judge her too
harshly till you read the book), he rushes madly away, and is
rescued from suicide by an old seceded Oxford friend, who
easily carries him over to Rome ; but he seems to abandon
that, and the last sentence only declares his utter desolation
and ruin. The moral is the vengeance that a faith takes on
such as lightly desert it ; but of course it is chiefly the col
lateral matter which is meant to tell. The early part consists
chiefly of letters from the young man, and a sort of auto
biography he writes. I like it, tho', poor fellow, he is fast
falling into atheism ; it is beyond measure tearfully earnest
and awakening. There is a most exquisite scene where the
poor rector tells his sad state of mind to his kind and noble
bishop : I must copy a page.
[Then follows a quotation from R. H. Froude's Nemesis of Faith, ,]
. . . They must be strange eyes that can read this passage,
and continue dry. The bishop says soon after what cannot
(to use a review phrase, slightly altered) be too deeply thought
over. " There is not one," he says, " not one in all these many
years which I have seen upon the earth, not one man of
more than common power, who has been contented to abide
in the old ways." I have not time to talk more of the book.
I have the first prize for Latin Declamations. ... Of course
I shall have to laud some ' distinguisht character ' in Latin.
Some want me to take Arnold, but you will easily understand
that there are strong objections to so doing. If poor old
Wordsworth dies in time, he will do gloriously ; if he does not,
1 Aesch. Prom. 1080-1088.
;E 20
CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE
97
think I shall take Coleridge ; and if I do, I will not mince
matters, but speak out : it is only a pity one will have to
disguise oneself in Latin. With the result of the Craven I
have no right to complain, except as sharing the disgrace of my
year, three second years being first. Maine seems to have
thought Beamont best of us, but some, if not all, the other
examiners place me at the head of my year. ... Of course I
must do my best to get senior classic, if possible. I am now
(I don't mean to-day ', Sunday, April ist) busy enough getting
up mathematics for a scholarship. I put off not only the
Porson but 'Titus' till yesterday, when at half-past two I began,
and wrote forty hexameters before chapel; but after that I
could not write a line, and of course sent nothing in.
I have glanced at an anonymous volume of poems (The
Strayed Reveller, etc., by A.) by Mat. Arnold ; it seemed mild,
but a by no means contemptible article in the Guardian on it
and the Ambarvalia speaks well of it. The latter book it
commends, dough's part at least. Maurice has just announced
his volume of sermons on the Liturgy, " chiefly considered as
a preservation against Romanism " : item J. Hare, a second
volume of parish sermons : item Kingsley, his Twenty-five
Village Sermons. By the way, you do not mention whether
you received the pamphlet of Hare's. I have carried Landor's
Works into the Union, and we have a lot of odd books, Miss
Martineau inter alia.
I do not know whether you recollect at the 1688
debate a nice-looking man opposite making a very sensible
speech cutting both parties ; his name was . Various
things made me wish to know him, and I have made his
acquaintance. It occurred to me that if I stayed up here any
time, should I get a scholarship and fellowship, I should be
grievously neglecting an obvious duty if I did not keep an
intimate connexion with my juniors, or such at least as, from
their possessing heads or hearts, I might be able to lend a
helping hand to ; for though bitter experience daily shows how
much I need guidance myself, I cannot think that any excuse
for shirking the responsibility of guiding others, where possible.
This first experiment is not promising : - - is, I really believe,
a fine fellow, but no theologian, and entirely swallowed up by
VOL. I H
98 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, m
rank Toryism and Byron and Shelley, but has an aversion to
Maurice, whom he spoke of as 'the well-known radical,'
who in all his lectures talkt of nothing but ' the masses ' and
their rights, and how 'they began to feel themselves men.'
He said that Maurice was a most thorough-going disciple of
Macaulay (in philosophy as well as politics), and that the one
idea of his mind seemed to be ' vox populi^ vox Dei ' / / /
I had a long battle with him the other day on a point really
involving the materialistic controversy. I dare not despair of
him ; besides I have great faith in his beautiful face and head ;
but it is no easy task I have undertaken.
I ought to have told you before that I went three weeks
ago to hear Jenny Lind, who gave a concert here. It would
be useless to attempt to describe it. Her face is utterly
unlike all pictures : she has high cheek-bones and a face by
no means buttery, as she is represented ; but rather plain than
otherwise, except in her most beautiful, calm, living eyes. But,
when she begins to sing, all is changed ; her features indeed
do not themselves become beautiful, but they seem to be
transparent, and let you see only the pure, heavenly, sunny,
joyous spirit venting itself in the softest, richest waves of
music. I am afraid these words will sound affected, but they
are the best I can think of, to express the peculiar character
of her singing.
I really know little of passing politics, except of the last
month, for before that I seldom read the papers ; so you must
not ask opinions where I have none. Perhaps this is wrong ;
would it were the only duty I have neglected ! Of late I
have observed Gladstone ever at his post, quietly exposing
abuses, giving up private wishes for public good, being reviled
and not reviling, in all things a faithful steward to his Master.
If you have leisure to write, do not be afraid of tiring me,
even with the petty incidents of your daily life. I long to
know (of course, really) your little pupils, how you fare with
them, and with their parents. You would smile if I were to
write down the prospect of glorious work I see before you, to
which it has been God's blessed will for your and for old
Scotland's good to call you ; He is indeed shaking not earth
only, but also heaven. O that we could always rest sure, as
AGE 20 CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE
99
we ought, that it is He that is shaking it, that it is the glorious
God that maketh the thunder ! but our wretched selfishness
and sin makes this hard. Let us pray, my dear Ellerton, for
each other, and for all our unknown fellow-strugglers, that we
may so live that we may shrink from no trial laid upon us,
but rejoice and triumph in all that befalls, as a. fresh unveiling
If His perfect glory !
To MR. JOHN ELLERTON
CAMBRIDGE, March i$fk, 1849.
I cannot but regard it as a wonderfully providential thing
mat you have been summoned up under such strange circum
stances. Of course you must display your true colors. You
are no 'Puseyite,' nor should you appear one. You are a
Catholic Churchman. You should show yourself as such,
taking every opportunity of inculcating the idea that Catho
licity means not exclusiveness but comprehensiveness, that all
bonds of opinion must be exclusive, that the bond of a
common divine life derived in Sacraments is the most com
prehensive bond possible. I think, I more than think, you
should claim leave to attend the Communion, and you may
have opportunities of showing that, whether all the prayers
are orthodox or not, the Sacrament remains unchanged ; and
point to the numberless passages in our Prayer-book which
militate against absence from the Communion. With I
would be as frank. Tell him that on the fundamental part of
the Sacramental doctrines as well as the Succession, you agree
with him, though you may have differences in detail. Tell
him your first object is to make the churchmen, and con
sistent churchmen ; that indoctrination must be a later and
slower process ; that you must start from the points you have
in common with them, and follow that course which God
shall seem to point out, especially avoiding startling them
needlessly. The prayers you have to read or rather compose
are, I should think, a very powerful instrument, especially for
winning over . But with the boys I think you should
have very little c dogmatic ' teaching, but make the Catechism
and Bible your text-books — not text — in one sense, but you
ioo FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
can make the Bible a wonderful instrument, simply by not
treating it as a bundle of texts. Read Maurice's Queen's
College Lecture on Theology. I suppose I could jaw you in
this manner to all eternity, but I must stop for want of time,
and really you know as well as I do, and better, how to act.
May God direct and bless you and your efforts in the great
and glorious post He has assigned you.
To MR. JOHN ELLERTON
CAMBRIDGE, Easter Day, 1849 [April 8/7;].
. . . Talking, however, of reminds me of the Bishop
of London, who — all honour to him for it — has abolisht the
annual private and select Confirmation of the children of the
nobility at the Chapel Royal. It is a disgrace to the Church
that it should have lasted so long.
Do not trouble yourself about writing when you have not
plenty of time for it ; but I am longing to hear all about your
little charges, and do not yet know even their names. If you
have time, I should think it would be worth your while, as
spring advances and you are living in the country, to work a
little at botany. Independently of my love for the science
itself, and the principles of universal application which seem
insensibly to take hold of one from the pursuit, I find it very
advantageous and refreshing to be able to take refuge for a
while from the circle of restless human interests of all kinds
in something lower and yet with all the impress of perfection
in its own kind, — something not spiritual, and yet rewarding
research with views of infinite order and beauty. This of
course increases with the earnestness and reality of one's
study of the subject. Dilettantism here, as everywhere, is
barren and fruitless. Further, I fancy you might find it good
to interest your pupils in pursuits pure and healthy, while yet
not a mere matter of books, without diminishing the manliness
and freedom which is only acquired (teste Platone, etc. etc.) by
plenty of bodily exercise and recreation.
I have got a volume of poems by ' Currer, Ellis, and
Acton Bell ' (it is said rpi&v ovo/xarov jj,op<f>r) [Ata, but I do not
believe it), i.e. the authors (as I now feel quite sure) of Jane
IGE 21 CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE 101
Eyre and her — sisters, I suppose. There is scarcely a grain
of poetry as far as I have read ; but under a somewhat
commonplace guise there is so much curious earnestness and
feeling that they are highly interesting; but that is all.
' Currer's ' are much the best.
Will you mention when you write whether you finisht
Vanity Fair1? Thackeray was here for a day or two to get
up materials for his last number, where, I hear, he introduces
his hero to ' Oxbridge,' while he has friends at ' Camford ' ;
he has a massive, rugged face, not stupid but, as far as I saw,
which was not well, not remarkable.
Macmillan promises to use his best endeavours to get
Maurice and Kingsley up here, and introduce me to them. I
need not say I shall in that case do all I decently can to
deepen and perpetuate the acquaintance, and, if so, I shall
have abundant opportunity of letting Maurice know that some
at least (I greatly fear, not many) regard their battles as their
own. That the strife is deepening, I feel more strongly every
day. I really must close, and read mathematics for to-morrow ;
so good-night, my dear Ellerton.
To MR. JOHN ELLERTON
CAMBRIDGE, May 22nd, 1849.
Thank you much for your very interesting account of
the boys. Are you sure that you are right in making
Phsedrus the introduction to Latin, whatever be the con
ventional First Book? He is easy, but stupid and utterly
worthless. I must say I think Maurice is in a great measure
right when he speaks of "the wisdom of the old notion, that
only the best books, only those which carry a kind of authority
with them, should be set before boys ; when they have been
drilled by them into habits of deference and humility, then
they may venture, if their calling requires it, upon the study of
the worst, for then they will have acquired the true discerning
spirit, that spirit of which the judging spirit is the counterfeit ;
the one perceiving the real quality of the food which is offered,
the other setting up its own partial and immature tastes and
aversions as the standard of what is good and evil."
102 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, m
You, of course, are the best judge as to whether he is up to
Caesar, but I should not call Caesar a hard author, and his
style is plain and vigorous. Livy (even the narrative) seems
to me much harder, chiefly from the condensed style. What
do you say to the more spirited and easy of Cicero's Orationes ?
Virgil's sEneid seems to me particularly good for boys. I
cannot agree with you as to the bad expediency of teaching
Latin before Greek. The change from a non-inflected language
to one so rich in grammatical differences as the Greek, should,
I think, be made gradually, and the direct, rigid nature of the
Latin makes it probably the best of all languages for the
teaching of the mechanical but most necessary part of grammar.
The recent neglect of Latin in Germany and England is pro
ducing miserable results, producing very showy and very
superficial Greek scholars. Besides, think of the briars and
thickets that would fence off your boys from the 'streaming
fountains ' in reading Homer ; to say nothing of constructions,
his philology is as hard as that of all other Greek authors put
together : I think it is generally read a great deal too early.
He labours under another disadvantage in common with
Herodotus : surely it is well to have secured a good footing in
Attic before you perplex a boy with other dialects. In prose
Xenophon and Plato's Apology and the narrative parts of the
Crito and Phado would do at first, and then Demosthenes'
Philippics and Olynthiacs.
Poetry is harder to select. If Euripides were more than
semivir he would be excellent, and still I think selections
might be made, as well as easy bits of Sophocles (who is quite
vir). I should think one great way of chaining his interest
would be to check the boyish (as well as mannish) custom of
considering that a word in Latin or Greek has a certain
number of words answering to it in English, all equally good,
and vice versa ; and to show as you go along (which is easily
done in a good author, whose language really expresses thought)
that no word would have done equally well in Latin, and that
a corresponding care must be exercised in English — in short,
to teach language, the most entrancing of all subjects for a
young and active mind. As for English poetry, I should be
sorry if he pretended to like Tennyson, or even Wordsworth ;
21 CAMBR]
IGRADUA'
103
it would seem to me purely mischievous and unnatural to force
subjective poetry upon a mind which requires only objective
poetry, and would otherwise be either disgusted or forced into
an artificial and unreal precocity. I think you have chosen
very well in making him read Scott. Spenser would, I suppose,
be the book, if he were not too ' immoral ' and Bible-like for
— 's taste ; but could not object to Southey, who
would suit your purpose well, especially in Madoc. If there
were but a decent rendering of Homer ! ! Pope, I believe, may
do good by what of the original he has unwittingly and un
willingly let through, but this would not compensate for the
mischief of filling the boy's head with a jingle -jangle of
pompous nothings.
I cannot say much for the Rugby teaching of history.
Pinnock's Goldsmith is (I think) the text-book in the lower
forms, then Keightley. In the Twenty, Price used to expect us
to amass materials any whence; and much the same in the
Sixth. As far as I recollect, the whole direct teaching in Form
was of English History, Greek and Roman being supposed to
be imbibed in small doses in the preparation for historical
allusions in classical books, which were always required to be
well known. History was also learnt among the ' extras,'
or subjects taken up voluntarily at the Christmas examination ;
an admirable and elaborate system introduced by Arnold,
tho' somewhat marred by Tait, for encouraging the peculiar
tastes of each individual. History is, I think, also generally
the holiday task in all the forms which have one, viz. all
below the Sixth and Twenty ; this is a recent and bad concoc
tion of Tait's and the masters'. But in Form nothing in the
world helps a boy on so well as being well acquainted with
the best-known periods of Greek and Roman history ; and to
be able to answer a question in modern history, asked inci
dentally, prepossesses a master wonderfully.
Recollect that the grand secret of preparation for Rugby is
a thorough acquaintance with Latin and Greek grammar. . . .
Pray ask for any other Rugby hints you may wish without
:ruple. I should think thirteen about the age, if a boy is
iither genius nor fool. It is bad to enter in the Lower
:hool, and, on the other hand, it is good to go through
io4 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
several forms and get some fagging. If I rightly take your
account of , I should say that the tone I would especially
cultivate in him would be hatred and impatience of seeing
others bullied and opprest ; he would be too explosive to be
submissive, and such a bias would turn his vivacity in a right
direction, without his forfeiting the consideration among the
rest, which may be useful in every way. I need scarcely
suggest how history, etc., may be brought to cultivate the
same spirit on a wider scale, nor how requisite it will be for all
— certainly not least for men of station and property — in the
coming time. I am quite convinced that robbing boys of
manliness and making them spoonies renders their life
wretched at school, and is fully as likely as a different course
is to lead them into vicious habits.
W (who once read the Kingdom of Christ, first
edition, and calls it quite unintelligible, even to its own
author ! !), a great friend of Harvey Goodwin, told me that at
one time Goodwin used to employ all his wit in ridiculing
Maurice, but that a lady of his relations who was an admirer
of Maurice persuaded Goodwin to read his writings more care
fully, and that for the last two years he has had a very high
opinion of him.
I do not understand from your letter whether you actually
are working at botany, or wishing you could, and managing
Master at his studies. I do not think you would find
your eye for wholes incompatible with an eye for parts ; at
least I do not think one predominates over the other in me.
In fact no one can be a real naturalist who has not in a
measure both faculties, and cannot seize the idea of a species,
independently of technical characters. But you are the best
judge in your own case. Macgillivray is perhaps the best for
a beginning, and you can easily show the boy that the Linnean
system there adopted bears little relation to the actual affinities
of plants (which you must be able in a measure to detect),
but it is an easy system for reference, and was in fact intended
as no more by its great inventor. I protest most strongly
against your attack on Gilbert White; his cant and senti-
mentalism are those of his age ; his proneness for theory
sometimes led him astray, but he was in general an accurate
;E 21
CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE
observer, wonderfully so for his time and circumstances.
Surely Bewick generally gets as much credit as you have given
him. He is looked on as the father of modern English
engraving, and one of our very highest naturalist artists.
When I read the first third of Vanity Fair, I was greatly
disgusted ; but, as I advanced, my feeling gradually changed,
till I strongly admired it, tho' the end annoyed me. On
the whole I think it a work of great power and purpose,
though with by no means the dramatic genius (to say nothing
of the sunniness) of Dickens. I thought at first that Dobbin
was a mere copy of Tom Pinch, but I now would put it quite
on its own ground. One would be inclined to praise the way
in which he shows Amelia as drawn out from a mere moping,
silly girl into something like character by her love for George
Osborne, were it not that he most absurdly calls our attention
to her rare and remarkable merits ('humble flowers,' etc.
etc.) at a time when he represents her, in fact, with scarcely
any attribute that would not belong equally well to a pat of
butter in the dog-days ; and some of the latter traits of her
character are really wretchedly selfish. Pendennis is a vast
improvement ; there is a good deal of wholesome truth told,
and never in a one-sided manner. Dickens's new serial, No. i,
very good, as far as it goes ; we shall see by and bye how it
ns out.
Maurice is very busy rewriting for separate publication his
ristory of Philosophy. The Warburtonians are all delivered,
nd are soon to be published ; they are to be startling. But
I am anxiously expecting the Prayer-book Sermons, which are
chiefly on Inspiration and the idea of punishment as purgation
of sin.
Do what you can to get hold of the May Fraser ; there are
several good articles. First, a glorious one by Ludlow (a
secret, mind you) on the Nemesis, . . . then a capital
homely letter of T. Carlyle on ' Indian Meal.'
I have not read F. Newman's book ; it seems weak ; and I
r Maurice has now no opinion of him. I have read his
other's Loss and Gain; it is very painful in the early part
m the sneers at the Prayer-book, etc., but it rises out of
at, and is John Henry Newman all over. With all its faults
io6 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
and 'dangerousness,' it is a fine book, and much may be
learnt from it.
Sara Coleridge has republisht part of the two first volumes
of the Literary Remains, with some other scraps, as ' Lectures
on the Dramatists,' etc.
Macmillan has lent me a MS. written at Maurice's request
some years ago, being a picture of the state of mind of young
Scotchmen some sixteen years ago. Accompanying it is a
long autograph letter of Maurice's, valuable and beautiful
beyond measure ; possibly I may copy it, if possible, but it is
strange that so good a man should write so bad a hand. I
hear he has a high idea of J. S. Mill, for his unflinching
honesty and fairness. J. W. Parker told Macmillan that Mill
had said to him that the only positive addition to philosophy
since Kant was Maurice's History of Philosophy.
At last I proposed Macaulay at the Union. The terms were
"that the two first volumes of Mr. Macaulay's History of
England are utterly wanting in the most essential characteristics
of a great history." I took entirely the ground of his bad
principles, and was rapturously cheered, tho' I spoke for an
hour and a quarter ; at eleven we adjourned. The week after
we again had a good debate, but it was not over till eleven,
and had cleared the house by speaking; so that the
numbers were very small, and it went quite against me. He
himself was here from the previous Saturday to Monday, and
I was afraid he would stay and come to the debate.
To MR. JOHN ELLERTON
CAMBRIDGE, July i$th, 1849.
. . . Before I speak of anything else I know you will be
burning to know something of Maurice's sermons. They came
out on Friday week, and I immediately secured a copy for
you, expecting the edition to be off soon. But I had a vague
idea that you would be about this time away from , and
in the lazy, idle, selfish mood I have been in for some time,
did not take the trouble to search for your letter. But now I
have found it, and suppose you are back again, and therefore
2i CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE 107
herewith send the book by the same post. They are, in my
mind, not in general equal to the Lord's Prayer. But that
on the ' Songs of the Church ' and the last four are wonderful.
I am on the whole not sorry that you use Lilly's and not
Kennedy's Latin Grammar, for I think the latter has English
rules ; and though I know not the former, I am sure that in
spite of some mere mechanical rote repetitions, infinite good
is conferred by constant use of the rigid Latin rules. Of
course you parse unceasingly ; it is irksome work to you both,
but infinitely important.
... I scarcely know how to answer you about Gilbert
hite, for I never read him through, and I have not looked
at him for a long while. Certainly if he took up his natural
history pursuits merely as a selfish amusement to kill time, and
if he neglected the parish which he had undertaken, I cannot
refuse to condemn him. But I am not sure that I understand
the meaning of what you consider his rightful function. It is
perhaps not inappropriate to apply the title 'a commissioned
expounder of God's name to the world ' to an honest and
hearty naturalist; but if you mean it that Gilbert White neglected
his trust because he wrote only of natural objects as natural
objects, and did not seek to draw lessons from them, to make
them the mystical oracles of moral principles to others, I
iffer from you toto ccelo. Such impressions may be suggested
the observer himself, but I doubt whether they can be
municated to others without dishonesty and genuine
'sttcism. A few sentences from the Kingdom of Christ will
illustrate what I mean.
[Then follows a quotation from Maurice's Kingdom of Christ^ 2nd ed.
1. ii. part ii. pp. 420, 422.]
-
Much of this refers to quite a different notion, but I cannot
separate it from its condemnation of what I fear may be your
meaning. An honest student of nature must, I think, make
physical principles the object of his search. If he be able
I -~ides to apply his researches to moral ends, as in some of
Igwick's orations, well and good ; but he must not suppose
t this is the aim of his science, else he will degrade and
ify both. I often think of a passage in Maurice (I forget
io8 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
where) where he revels in the thought of the advance of
knowledge^ and looks with delight to the time when every
object, from the meanest moss or insect to the lordliest work
of creation, shall be seen, each after its kind, in its true place
and order and in perfect fulness of vision. I take my stand
on Bacon's glorious words : Nos autem non Capitolium aliquod
aut pyramidem hominum superbicz dedicamus aut condimus, sed
templum sanctum ad exemplar mundi in intellectu humano
fundamus. Itaque exemplar sequimur. Nam quicquid essentia
dignum est, id etiam scientia dignum ; quce est essentice imago.
Further, even though one were not to add to the sum of
existing knowledge of Natural Science by writing, one may, I
think, feel that it is not selfish enjoyment merely, if one finds
it and uses it as a beneficial agent to one's mind, if that mind
be in other subjects and occupations devoted to true work.
But enough of this sermonising, which after all may have been
needless.
The present Fraser has the beginning of a delightful article
on North Devon by Kingsley. Maurice was married at the
beginning of the month, took a brief honey-half-moon at
Torquay, and was then obliged to resume his collegiate and
other duties in London ; as soon as he is released from them,
he goes to take the parish next to Kingsley's (who has now
returned to Eversley) for a month. I fear there is but little
chance of his coming hither.
The Epigrams cost me very little trouble, having been
resolved on, thought out, composed, and written out between
evening chapel and a private business meeting at the Union ;
still, inter nos, they were twice as good as those which got the
prize, though no great shakes. Since then I have written for
and missed the College English Essay. I scarcely read a
word for it, and, as usual, wrote more than half the last day ;
and it was not long or minute, but crude and ungrammatical ;
still methinks not quite nonsense. Mackenzie got it, as he
probably deserved.
I am not so sanguine as you about the new Classical Tripos
regulations, except in so far that they are generally looked on
as temporary, and I hope we may finally get a thorough
searching examination in classics, mathematics, and divinity,
AGE 21 CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE
109
which all must pass, leaving honours as an unnecessary supple
ment. But unequal and unfair as are the respective treatments
of classics and mathematics, I believe the equalising them by
the exemption of classics from a mathematical qualification
would be an ' infinite worse ' to the University, and especially
to its classics.
I have scarcely looked at Ruskin yet. I am afraid of his
getting into a mere cant phraseology ; the more to be dreaded
that he seems fond of saying things that may produce a great
effect, and strike the reader with their unfathomable profundity ;
still he is doubtless an admirable man. As far as I see, his
great fault is his endeavouring to interpret symbols into
intellectual notions. Now this, though at first sight it may
seem most completely opposed to the vulgar notion of beauty
as something having no real absolute existence except as that
which is pleasing to the eye, is really an offshoot, springing
lower and deeper down from the same root ; for it tacitly
assumes that whatever is spiritual, has a substantive existence,
and is communicable from spirit to spirit, must be capable
of interpretation into intellectual ideas, and therefore into
language, which is their exponent ; whereas it seems to me
most important to assert that beauty is not merely a phase
or (as Sterling calls it) the body of truth, but has its own
distinct essence and is communicable through its own media,
independently of those of truth. And hence that forms of
beauty are valuable (to use a word which most imperfectly
conveys my meaning), not as sensuous exponents of those
forms of truth which are emanations from Him who is the
Perfect Truth, but as themselves emanations from Him who
is the Perfect Beauty. I am afraid this is misty, but I cannot
express myself more clearly.
To MR. JOHN ELLERTON
CAMBRIDGE, August
/, 1849.
. . Your mention of the offertory reminds me that
Igwick, who has from paucity of dons had often to read
ic Communion Service on Sundays, has proved the most
i io FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
rubrical of all, for he always read, " Let your light shine," etc, !
A propos of the brave old fellow, he has just finished his
Preface, and made it tremendously long. Item he has nearly
finisht a big book on the primary strata, especially of the S.
of Scotland, so that he will escape the inglorious fate of the
greatest of pioneers, and leave something for his name to stick
to when his gigantic, nameless labours have been forgotten.
How it would have done poor Mark's l heart good to have
known it, — perhaps he does know it ! !
I quite feel all you say about Claverhouse ; at least he had
in an eminent degree one virtue, — for it is a God -like virtue,
let the Manchesterians say what they will, — loyalty. It is fast
disappearing. When it is gone, may God protect England, for
she will need it as she never has done.
KESWICK, August
I don't know how - got his notion of my missing the
Greek Testament prize from doctrinally annoying the examiners.
It may be so ; but I believe not. My inability to muster the
requisite caput]mortuum of cram was the real reason, I have no
doubt. The Ecclesiastical History paper was full of doctrine
which I answered unreservedly ; yet I was all but first in that
paper.
You will be amused and perhaps not displeased to hear
that Clough was seen on the walls of Rome fighting in Gari
baldi's army ; that does not look like stagnation. And if he
has survived, I trust he may indeed be a living worker in the
coming time.
I was very sorry to hear Manning's opinion of Hare. It
may, however, be some counterpoise to you to know that a
stranger calling on the Macmillans, told them that he had
travelled per rail with a clergyman (unknown) with whom he
had conversed on theological subjects, and who had recom
mended him to read Maurice's Kingdom as a most valuable
book. On separating he gave him his card — ' Ven. Arch
deacon Manning ' ! ! He sees, what so few do see, the
tremendous chasm of opinion on Church matters that separates
Maurice from Hare.
1 Mark Howard, a friend who had recently died.
AGE 21
CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE
in
I have been here nearly a week, and am of course in a
great state of enjoyment. I coached from Windermere station
(between Bowness and Troutbeck), and had a most glorious
drive. One or two beautiful Early English churches are just
built about Kendal and that neighbourhood (the only true
style, I think, for a mountainous district of this nature). The
Pikes were as grand as ever ; in short, everything about that
exquisite view was in perfection. My father has been greatly
tempted to fix us permanently in a house beautifully situated
at the foot of Skiddaw two and a half miles hence, with, I
verily believe, the grandest view in the Lakes, but there are
many objections. . . . On Sunday morning we went to St.
John's Church (F. Myers'), built by one of the Marshall legion.
I was struck at the beginning of the sermon by some beauti
ful expressions, somewhat Arnoldian, and certainly neither
evangelical nor belonging to any other form of ordinary
theology. Unfortunately I was very sleepy, but heard much
good matter in the most exquisite and felicitous language.
Imagine my annoyance in finding that I had been listening
without recognition to Arthur Penrhyn Stanley !
I am most anxious to set you right, as I have done myself,
on a point on which we have both erred grievously in ignorance,,
viz. in regard to G. Sand. At Macmillan's persuasion, I at
last read Consnelo and its sequel, La Comtesse de Rudolstadt^
and am most truly grateful to him for making me read them.
The former is a most exquisite pure tale. It is much like
Wilhelm Meister, softened and smoothed down and purified,
in the strictest sense intellectual, and yet not originating
intellectual ideas as the German tale does. Music is in a
great measure the theme and the relation of art (represented
by music) to human life and affections. Love of course fills
a prominent part. Nor can I recall any falsehoods on that
score in Consuelo, and there is much precious truth. The
Communistic idea appears quite in the bud, scarcely separating
itself from the true idea of brotherhood which it mimics. There
are most strange accounts of mediaeval German heretics (for
whom G. Sand has a great affection, as a sort of anticipators
of Communism), chiefly Hussites, worshippers of 'Satan,' whose
chief formula of benediction was, Que celui a qui Pon a fait tort.
ii2 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
te salue^ meaning thereby that before-mentioned worthy. The
second part was evidently written much later. It shows its
author's mind much confused and agitated, with the strangest
mixture of superstition and scepticism, genuine faith and cold
negation. It is full of strange mysterious incidents, much
connected with the Rosicrucians, Freemasons, and ' In
visibles,' a sort of secretest society to which the Masons
formed a sort of outer court, Communism being the grand
secret and the object of all. There are near the end some
sublime passages on the subject which underlies every page,
love, full of glorious assertions, but drawing the saddest and
wildest conclusions. There is not the smallest trace of the
notion of a community of women, as I had imagined; but
G. Sand declares marriage to be an unnatural bondage, never
undertaken for love. Nevertheless, Balaam-like, she makes her
facts often assert God's truth above her lies. One thing is
very striking in the aspect of Communism which she presents.
Property as such and political privileges never appear ; social life
is the subject; she wishes that each may receive his own culture,
and do his own work for himself and for others unoppressed
and unrestrained by kings and priests. She is most bitter
against Voltaire and the * common- sense ' philosophy of
' Lok ' (as she calls him), and all who like him virtually think
faith degrading and mysteries an insult to human reason. But
she is most relentless to ' the Church ' for having been the
enemy of humanity, for crushing what it ought to have edu
cated. O that her charges were false ! and yet no ! — then
we could have little hope for the future. Our task it is to do
what in us lies to make the Church the very truest and fullest
exponent of humanity. By all means read the books, and in
the original, if you can get hold of them. There is not a
rag of French frippery, scarcely a trace of French prejudice
about them.
When you are next at a railway station, expend one shilling
upon a volume of the Parlour Library called Emilia Wyndham.
It is quiet, unadorned, perhaps somewhat dull ; but full of
much high and beautiful principle, and an excellent corrective
and complement to the moral of the end of The Nemesis of
Faith. I do trust you have been able, or will be able, to see
i
2i CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE
Copperfield and Pendennis. The former is (excepting the
August number, which is dull) exceedingly beautiful, with
much extravagance pruned off. Without in the least ceasing
to be Dickens, he has learnt much from Thackeray. The
latter's tale, though not so pleasant, is invaluable. To me the
surest sign of its worth is that I never read anything which so
really and completely humbled me, which made conscience
so painfully importunate, while at the same time it did not in
any great degree encourage churlishness and uncharitableness,
as was the tendency of Vanity Fair. There are of course
imperfections and affectations ; but a more faithful picture of
what we, — we especially, — would wish to blink, I never
saw.
I To MR. JOHN ELLERTON
KESWICK, September nth, 1849. '
... I forgot the other day to ask you whether you had
seen some time ago a very curious decision of the French
Government, refusing to recognise the French Protestants as
having a religion which they could tolerate, on the ground
that there could be no religion without a sacrifice.
I look forward with great anxiety to the decision of the
Privy Council's committee,1 though one may expect strange
things from a theological judgment of Lord Brougham's. It
is said that, if the judgment of the Court below be affirmed,
hundreds of clergy meditate secession. I trust this is not the
case. It is very sad that things should have come to such a
pass that a judicial verdict is inevitable, which must consign
one or the other class of opinions to not merely actual but
legal heterodoxy.
To MR. GERALD BLUNT
AMBLESIDE, September 27 th, 1849.
. . . You will of course have Maurice's wonderful sermons 2
this time ; if not, you will want to know about them. I
>uld not well give you a tolerable account of them in even a
loderately small space ; I will only say at present that they
1 In the Gorham case. 2 On the Prayer-book.
VOL. I I
H4 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
are invaluable indeed. The subjects that we before mentioned
are treated of only incidentally, but there are some very preg
nant hints. I only wish there were more. The two last, on
'The Consecration Prayer' (in the H. Communion) and
' The Eucharist,' are grand beyond expression. If you have
not been in a position to get the book, pray write by return
of post, and I will do my best to give you some fuller
particulars.
To MR. JOHN ELLERTON
AMBLESIDE, October $th, 1849.
. . . We can talk about English reading for the youthful
Alexander when we meet. You certainly seem to have
played Aristotle with success hitherto. I crave your pardon
for accusing you of a wish to moralise everything. I feel the
temptation so often and so strongly myself, in spite of my
vehement sense of the inherent holiness of every branch of
thought, that I am made suspicious of the same thing in
others. I fear that in a subtle form it discoloured Arnold's
mind. Meanwhile, without saying more, I must raise my
voice loudly against Pope's Homer. The possible advantages
are great, but the dangers are incalculably greater.
Dreadful as war is, I cannot say that I shrink from it, if
undertaken in such a cause as that of Turkey. It seems in
evitable now.
Crosthwaite Church is hideous, being a compound of every
century since the Debased. Much expense has been lately in
curred in fitting up stalls, putting in excellent painted glass,
but all to no purpose in such a fabric. I was not much struck
by Southey's monument, but did not see it well.
I forget whether I noticed to you Hook's noble freedom
from party spirit and brave honesty in standing forward alone
among his friends publicly to support the Marriage Bill. I
find that some years ago Wilberforce (I suppose Samuel W.)
urged on him the evil of party spirit. Hook contended that
it was absolutely necessary to have a party, and to act as a
member of one. Maurice, hearing this, publisht a letter to
Wilberforce on the subject. Hook then wrote to Wilberforce
;E 21
CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE
to say that Maurice's letter had quite convinced him, and
ice then he has never done a factious action.
since t
To HIS MOTHER
CAMBRIDGE, November 2nd, 1849.
My dearest Mother — It seems quite as long to me as to
you since we separated. . . . On Tuesday all lectures, examina
tions, and ' coaches ' began, and ever since I have been like
the donkey in the mill at Carisbrook Castle, grinding on in a
perpetual round of mathematics. When I can keep awake in
the evening, I read from seven to eight hours in the day (ex
aminations included), but I always get my walk, — almost
always the full two hours' trot. I have four examinations per
week, and towards the end of the month the College adds on
another per week. Meanwhile you will be glad to hear that I
have secured Westcott1 for classics between January 2oth and
February lyth.
... It would of course be impossible for you to dry
brambles at Cheltenham, but, if you ever get to the lanes, I
should be much obliged if you would notice them. The most
common one there, I know, is Rubus discolor^ which I did not
see in the Lakes. Its leaves are quite white underneath.
Babington has only turned over, not examined, my Lake
brambles as yet. I had a walk with him to-day, and he tells
me that my Buttermere Potamogeton is most probably what I
supposed, viz. P. fluitans, which has not before been found in
Britain. He says it is smaller than the continental plant, but
it is certainly not one of the known British species. I have
not missed morning chapel more than four or five times.
To MR. JOHN ELLERTON
CAMBRIDGE, November qth, 1849.
. . Alford has published the first volume of his Greek
"estament. It seems good, and not superstitious.
1 i.e. as private 'coach.'
ii6 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, m
To THE REV. F. D. MAURICE
TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE [November i6th, 1849].
My dear Sir — It is with considerable hesitation that I
venture to trespass upon your time, already so fully employed.
I am not even able to plead acquaintance as a warrant for so
doing. Only a most hearty sense of inestimable benefits
already received leads me to hope for fresh assistance from the
same source. And in this respect I have perhaps some claim
upon you. Had it been your aim to make us your disciples, we
must have been content to swallow whatever crumbs it might
please you to scatter; but since you have chosen rather to
guide us in to the old ways which God made, and not you, —
surely the aid you have already given is a pledge of your
willingness to assist us again and again in discerning the eternal
order among all the confusions that beset us, and to bear with
the perverseness which, more than anything else, blinds our
eyes. I have therefore resolved to ask you to guide me, if
you can, to a satisfactory solution of a question which has
long been tormenting me, and which seems now to be felt
universally to be of very great moment indeed, if we may
judge from the warmth and passion which both sides display.
I mean, the question whether any man will be hereafter
punished with never-ending torments, spiritual or physical.
It would be far too much to say that I do not believe that
any man will, for I dare not rashly and hastily discard a convic
tion entertained by nearly all Christians, and sanctioned, as it
appears to me, by such plain language in the Gospels and
Apocalypse, as well as in our Liturgy and the Athanasian
Creed. There is, moreover, this great difficulty in the rejec
tion of the common opinion : we see men becoming more
hardened in impenitence every year of their lives, even till
death itself. If there be any further state of probation beyond
the grave, it will still be monstrous to suppose the sin re
moved suddenly from their hearts by an almighty Fiat without
a corresponding willingness on their part; such a notion is
utterly at variance with the idea of a spirit endowed with a
will. But how otherwise can we be sure of their becoming
AGE 21 CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE
117
purer ? There is no more reason why they should repent then
than there was when they were on earth ; nay, there is less,
for the longer they exist the harder they may become ; they
must retain the power of choosing the evil, or they cease to
have wills. Many would say that pain and suffering will
purify them ; but the notion that this result must ensue owes
its existence to a false material analogy drawn from the purga
tion of the passive gold from its dross by the action of fire.
If we could believe sin, as some virtually do, to be merely the
shadowy antecedent of the substantial consequent, pain, and
heaven to consist in unlimited selfish enjoyment, not a whit
purer than a Mahometan Paradise for the supposed absence
of its sensual element, then there might be little difficulty in
supposing men after a certain period to be tossed, sins and all,
into such a sty of ' bliss.' But, as we believe heaven to be
the fullest communion with God in His most immediate
presence, and the fullest disposition and power to be always
working His Will, none but those who have been separated
from their sin can possibly enter into its joys. For others
there would seem to be only two alternatives — an eternal curse,
and annihilation. I have never been able to see the alleged
inconsistency in this latter notion ; surely what God has
originated, God can destroy, be it spirit or matter; yet I
cannot get rid of a feeling that men never are annihilated.
But, on the other hand, not only are the Epistles almost
free (as far as I can recollect) from allusions to everlasting
torments, but their whole tone is such that the introduction of
such a notion would seem to render it discordant and jarring.
And little as I like to rest on isolated texts, I cannot get over
the words, "As in Adam all die, even so in Christ shall all be
made -alive." St. Paul cannot mean merely the universal
redemption, for he uses the future tense conformably to the
whole tenor of the chapter, and is, moreover, speaking of the
resurrection ; further, the same universality is given to the one
clause as to the other.
Again, where is the answer to the common question, " You
say that some go to heaven, some to hell ; then you must suppose
a line separating the two sets of men, but the gradations are
infinite. There can be but little difference between the worst
n8 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAF. in
of the former class, and the best of the latter. How can you
make their future lots so immeasurably different ? " Paley, I
hear [? fear], replies that we have no reason for believing that
there fs much difference between the lowest place in heaven and
the highest in hell ! ! This answer only brings out the difficulty
in greater distinctness. Say, if we will, that the language here
employed indicates a corrupt notion of merit of works done
just exceeding or just falling short of the price which God has
affixed to His merchandise, ' heaven ' ; still we are as far as
ever from justifying God's ways. Every one is perpetually
falling ; the difference is but slight between him who falls at
last utterly away, and him who just succeeds in not losing
hold of his Lord. And what of those who die while oscillating
in the midst ?
Nor do I see how to dissent from the equally common
Universalist objection, that finite sins cannot deserve an
infinite punishment. The language may be technical and
savouring of mere abstractions, but, I am sure, the feeling
which finds utterance in it is real and conscientious enough.
I do not think you would look with much favour on the
answer given a few Sundays ago from the pulpit of St. Mary's
by a Hulsean lecturer. We were told that the mere inquiry
was presumptuous ; that " we know absolutely nothing at all "
(I quote as nearly verbatim as I can from memory) " of God's
nature, or any of His attributes " ; " nor is there any reason
for believing that when the Bible speaks of the goodness,
justice, and mercy of God, it means anything which bears any
rezemblance to what we call justice, goodness, and mercy."
So that the way to defend what is presumed to be an essential
doctrine of Christianity is by denying the fact of a revelation,
in any living sense of the word ! for what is the revelation of a
Hell ? I know that the great mass of those against whom the
Hulsean lecturer was contending is greatly infected by the
disbelief in the existence of retributive justice, which is now so
widely spread through nearly all classes of people, especially
in regard to social and political questions, which causes even
men, whose theology teaches them to look upon God as a vin
dictive, lawless autocrat, to stigmatise as cruel and heathenish
the belief that criminal law is bound to contemplate in punish-
AGE 2i CAMBRIDGE: UNDERGRADUATE LIFE 119
ment other ends beside the improvement of the offender him
self and the deterring of others. Still the consciousness of
this fact can only make it incumbent on us to examine our
ground carefully, — it cannot require us to surrender a truth,
if it be a truth, merely because it is now the property of
scarcely any but such as have become heretics while re
volting against the popular creed. One answer has sometimes
suggested itself as more plausible than that mentioned above ;
namely, that the sin is not finite but infinite, in virtue of the
fact of its continued self- reproduction — that is, that the
punishment of past sin is increased sin, deserving in its turn
fresh punishment. And yet surely the heart rebels against
such a theory as a cruel mockery of the very essential spirit of
justice; only here lies the difficulty — is not this theory
merely the expression of a fact, which, however we may
dispute about it, is a fact still? does not God punish sin by
making men sin afresh ? And now, having reached this
point, I scarcely know where to go on and where to end, for
hither converge multitudes of distracting questions, pervading
every region of theology, to which I have never been able to
find any answer but this — " God is, and Evil is ; both alike
testify their own reality. If the Christian faith does not
harmonise them, at least it is therein not more unsuccessful
than all human theories; for those which have seemed to
solve the riddle, have merely denied the facts, and contra
dicted the testimony of their whole being." Yet I am confident
that there must be some deeper answer than this mere con
fession of ignorance — some more intelligent way of resisting
the horrible Manichseism which, under both its primary and
its secondary forms, is in a thousand dissimilar ways torturing
and tempting our hearts and consciences every hour of the
day, than the mere ban (potent though that may happily
sometimes be) —
Receive it not, believe it not,
Believe it not, O man !
Thus there is the question of Substituted Punishment,
which, as it seems to me, is quite distinct from the Atonement
and reconciliation of the person of sinning man and God. I
can at most times thankfully contemplate the fact of God's
120 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
forgiveness (in the strict sense of the word ; that is, removal
of estrangement from the offender, irrespective of the non-
enforcement of penalties) and His delight in humanity as
restored through its Head; but surely this has little to do
with the principle that every offence must receive its just
recompense. The Father may forgive the child, and yet
cannot justly exempt him from the punishment of disobedience.
" Amen ! " says the evangelical ; " the penalty must be paid
somehow by somebody. The penalty is tortures to all eternity
for each man. Christ, in virtue of the infinity which He
derived from His Godhead, was able on earth to suffer
tortures more than equivalent to the sum of the eternal
tortures to be suffered by all mankind ; God must have the
tortures to satisfy His justice, but was not particular as to who
was to suffer them, — was quite willing to accept Christ's
sufferings in lieu of mankind's sufferings." O that Coleridge,
while showing how the notion of a fictitious substituted
righteousness, of a transferable stock of good actions, obscured
the truth of man's restoration in the Man who perfectly acted
out the idea of man, had expounded the truth (for such, I am
sure, there must be) that underlies the corresponding heresy
(as it appears to me) of a fictitious substituted penalty ! All my
reverence and gratitude to him who first taught me to love light
and to seek after truth, believing that it is God's will that we
should attain them, and that He Himself will guide us into
them, cannot make me see much beside dimness (as far as the
present question is concerned) in the note at p. 239 of the
Aids (fifth edition). Nor, as far as I can recollect, have you
anywhere written explicitly upon this point; even on the
corresponding subject of vicarious righteousness I know only
of two pages (Kingdom of Christ, ist edition, vol. i. pp. 32,
33), and they have not been able to make me feel assured
that the language of imputation is strictly true, however
sanctioned by St. Paul's example. The fact is, I do not see
how God's justice can be satisfied without every marts suffering
in his own person the full penalty for his sins. I know that it
can, for if it could not in the case of some at least, the whole
Bible would be a lie ; but if in the case of 'some ', why not of all?
A reconciliation of the person may be dependent, at least in
AGE 21 CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE 121
its realization, upon its acceptance on the part of the will ; but
how does this apply to the suffering of penalties ?
Again, how is the notion that God punishes sin by sin
consistent with the belief that God is not and cannot be the
author of evil ? Is there not something strangely significant
in the extraordinary language of Coleridge in the last four
lines of p. 194 of the Literary Remains, vol. i. ? The texts
cited go for little, but surely the superficial meaning which
Coleridge seems to put upon them is inconsistent with a
sound theology.
The discussion which immediately precedes these four lines
naturally leads to another enigma most intimately connected
with that of everlasting penalties, namely, that of the person
ality of the devil. It was Coleridge who some three years
ago first raised any doubts in my mind on the subject — doubts
which have never yet been at all set at rest, one way or the
other. You yourself are very cautious in your language;
much of it is such as a person, who was convinced of the
truth of the common opinion, would be unlikely to use.
The only positive principle, as far as I can see, that you assert
is this, that " evil, though by its nature multiform and contra
dictory, has nevertheless a central root." This certainly is
most important ; it seems as if it must be so in the nature
of things, if only we presuppose the existence of things that
are evil, as facts compel us to do. But the question still
remains — Is this central root personal or not? Can the
power of origination be in strict truth ascribed to anything
except a will ? On the other hand, surely the continuity of
life (or existence — neither word exactly expresses my meaning)
of a person depends directly on the operation of the Word,
unless with the Manichaeans we set up two grounds of being.
Now if there be a devil, he cannot merely bear a corrupted
and marred image of God ; he must be wholly evil, his name
evil, his every energy and act evil. Would it not be a viola
tion of the divine attributes for the Word to be actively the
support of such a nature as that ? And so in the present day
many avoid the difficulty by the monstrous fiction of a re
generated devil. Thus the author of Festus (as I am told,
for I have not read the poem) supposes him finally restored
122 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
through the medium of a genuine human affection ! But
does not this suggest that no image but God's image is
possible for a person ? May I take this opportunity of asking
what you mean (in Kingdom of Christ, first edition, vol. i. p.
45) by the phrase, " The satisfaction offered to the evil spirit,
by giving up to him all that he can rightly claim, while all
that is real and precious is redeemed out of his hands " ?
There is yet another subject of the utmost importance,
which is intimately mixed up with every point to which I have
alluded — indeed the Manichsean controversy embraces and
combines them all — I mean, the opposition of 'the flesh'
and Spirit which the Bible speaks of. This, I suppose, is the
truth caricatured in the ascription of Evil to matter ; but still
I cannot see where the truth differs from the most deadly
falsehood. Only the expressions used by both you and
Coleridge respecting 'nature' as essentially evil, seem to
point to a wish for isolation — that is, a hankering after
assimilation to mere spiritless creatures, as the most especial
characteristic of moral evil. It is easy to see that there is a
close relation between this idea and that (whatever it may be)
which underlies sacrifice, the prohibition of the eating of the
blood, circumcision and its abolition, and finally St. Paul's
mysterious words, "Without shedding of blood there is no
remission of sins." But I have labored so utterly in vain to
apprehend in any measure what this idea is, that I hope you
will deepen and widen the hints you have already given.
I am quite conscious that I have given but few distinct
objections to the common belief in what I have written, but
so indeed it must be ; language cannot accurately define the
twinge of shrinking horrour which mixes with my thoughts
when I hear the popular notion asserted (even without the
blasphemous adjuncts which too often accompany it), and it
is hard to ascribe all this feeling to sentimental weakness and
the prevailing Pantheism which (it must be confessed in
humiliation) most dangerously assaults those who pride them
selves most on their freedom from it. Certainly in my case
it proceeds from no personal dread ; when I have been living
most godlessly, I have never been able to frighten myself
with visions of a distant future, even while I 'held' the
AGE 21 CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE 123
doctrine. But hereafter to proclaim it as part of the Good
Tidings, this is the paradox ! If it be not part of them, and
yet be true, it must belong to the Law. But where do we
find it in that Old Testament, which many reject as so cruel ?
And that the doctrine was previously unknown is tacitly
asserted by those champions of Christianity who think it the
very cream of the Gospel. There is also surely something
significant in the fact of St. Augustin's never having been
able to free himself from quasi-purgatorial notions. It is, to
say the least of it, as reasonable to suppose that his early
struggles enabled him to be more sensitive than other men to
the virus stealing over every region of truth from the fearful
heresy which he had escaped, as to slight his feelings as
those of one who recoiled violently from one error into the
opposite.
I should never have done, were I to enter on all the mani
fold difficulties which I find rising up daily against me on
both sides of these questions. This letter is already quite
disorderly and incoherent enough; but if I attempted to
methodise it, it would probably lose whatever genuine con
nection now subsists between the several topics. I should
not have troubled you with them had I not felt that a mere
notional answer to isolated questions would be useless ; only
by writing on such a series of kindred points could I enable
you to separate mere speculation from real conviction. I
hope I desire not opinions but light. Busy as you are, I hope
you will suit your own convenience about writing ; it is quite
enough of a tax upon you to trouble you at all, only the
infinite importance to myself must be my excuse. — Believe
me, my dear sir, most affectionately yours,
FENTON J. A. HORT.
To MR. JOHN ELLERTON
CAMBRIDGE, November 30^, 1849.
... I wrote two or three weeks ago to Maurice a letter
asking help on Universalism, Sathanas, blood, and heaven knows
what else besides. I have received from him a long and most
124 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, m
magnificent — I need not say, most kind — letter,1 which you shall
see in a few days. And what I value most of all, he hopes I
will write to him often, and call on him when I am in London.
For the present A Dieu.
To MR. JOHN ELLERTON
CAMBRIDGE, Christmas Day, 1849.
I had fully intended that you should have a line this day
to wish you all the manifold blessings of this ever blessed
season. But the ceaseless whirl of reading carried me round,
and I forgot it.
It was with the greatest difficulty that I screwed out time
to write to Maurice ; and that I should have deferred, but that
the question was daily driving me mad. His letter shall either
accompany or follow close upon this. W. Howard has it now ;
and I have promised to lend it to Blunt (who is down for
three or four days) to make one or two extracts from before I
forward it to you. These two, the two Macmillans, and a
noble-hearted friend of theirs, a Mr. Gotobed, an uneasy
Dissenter, are the only persons who have seen the letter ; and
I have no idea of showing it to any more. ... I shall send
with it my epistle, not that you may spy out its nakedness, but
because the letter is scarcely fully intelligible without it.
January igtA, 1850.
Your letter has just found me in a sick room. ... I worked
on tolerably well up to the examination, and passed the three
days seemingly without fatigue, in spite of two nights nearly
sleepless with reading. But I felt my throat sore on the
Saturday night, and the next day got up late quite ill, and sent
for Humphry in the evening. He was puzzled. My throat
soon got worse and became ulcerated ; and on Tuesday he
pronounced it decided, tho' slight, scarlatina. My father
and mother came up on Thursday night (and stayed till last
Tuesday), not from there being anything approaching danger
1 See Maurice's Life, vol. ii. pp. 15-23.
AGE 21
CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE
125
(I was up some part of every day) but to relieve my mother's
anxiety. Meanwhile I am fast recovering, only 'delicate,'
the worst of scarlatina being the extraordinary susceptibility to
any disorder which it leaves behind it. The cold weather has
not given me a chance of getting out ; and here I am domiciled
in my sitting-room with a venerable nurse, biding my time, and
arranging plants, for I am very little in a reading humour. In
the * three days ' l 1 did tolerably, not altogether to my satisfac
tion, and yet in a satisfactory way, with a large proportion of
riders — in short, enough to show me that, if I had not most
culpably idled and played with mathematics all my course, I
should have taken a high degree. Now tho' the ' three days '
had exclusively been my work for the last term, they were by
no means my cheval de bataille ; and I had counted on the
intervening week for refreshing myself in Differential, etc. etc.,
and looking up a few new calculations; and tho' the 'five days' '
papers have been hard, I think I should have shoved into the
Wranglers. But Deo aliter visum. I much fear my ' three days' '
work will not obtain me a Senior Op., which will lose me an
all but certain Chancellor's Medal ; still, though disposed
enough to murmur, I know it is most wrong. I should be
thankful that my illness came on after the ' three days,' so that
I am still left the Classical Tripos.
My father is very anxious that I should try for a Fellowship.
I don't know what to say, for my chance is very small. West-
lake will smash me to atoms in mathematics, even tho' I
read them still, as I intend doing ; and he is not at all to be
despised in the ' Moral ' paper. Still the thought pleases me,
and I shall probably read ' Moral Philosophy ' when the Tripos
is over, 'like anything.' I understand from Romilly that a
grace will probably be introduced this term to admit our year
to the New Triposes 2 of 1851 ; if it passes, I shall probably go
in for both, which will involve much reading. I have also had
dreams of the Crosse, but I am so ignorant of Hebrew and,
what is worse, of the Greek text of the N. T., that I have all
but discarded them. Still I have, as you see, so much before
me, that I don't know what to say to the Hulsean. The
1 The first, or ' qualifying ' part of the Mathematical Tripos.
2 In Natural and Moral Sciences.
126 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
subject is tempting, but it will require a great deal of out-of-
the-way reading.
I am very glad you have fixed on a curacy, since I do not
pretend to judge what you are best qualified to decide, namely,
as to leaving . Your neighbourhood is, I should think,
delightful. But, man alive, what do you mean by supposing
I shall think you are embracing Might duty'? I should
think you will have abundance to do if the parish is to be well
worked. As for huge town populations, they must be under
taken, if God puts them before us, but as for doing one's duty
to all as one would wish, the thing is simply impossible. But
I am sure you will not think little of the school ; it is worth
more than a deal of cottage visiting. One thing more :
generalising hastily from a few Morning Chronicle letters, I
should say the country generally is more wretched and godless
than the towns (excepting London and its appurtenances).
... I have alluded once or twice to the Morning Chronicle.
I suppose you know that it is employing able and honest agents
to examine thoroughly the state of ' Labour and the Poor ' in
the manufacturing, rural, and metropolitan districts ; reporting
from official returns, from ocular inspection, and from the
accounts of both masters and men. They are lavishing large
sums on it, and have set apart a department of the office to it.
The clerks work at it voluntarily at extra hours, and refuse to re
ceive extra pay for such work. The early letters not having been
noticed, and many persons wishing to possess the whole, they
began on December 2 ist to publish gratis bi-weekly supplements
to contain a reprint of all letters that had appeared previously
to that date. Meanwhile there is a fresh letter every day. I
regularly take in a half-price copy, which I mean to bind up.
Maurice values the letters so highly that, occupied as his time is,
he has the paper regularly sent him and reads the letter every
morning. Kingsley also, I heard, wanted to get a daily copy
to keep. It is on this subject that the article in Fraser is, and
it is by Ludlow ; Macmillan praises it immensely, but I have
not read it. The same number contains a most noble article
of Kingsley's on * Sir E. B. L. Bulwer and Mrs. Grundy,' sug
gested by Sir E. B. L.'s last, The Caxtons, a most delightful and,
on the whole, healthy story, which gave me very great pleasure.
AGE 21
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There are three or four dull spirts at Coleridge and Cole-
ridgians in the English Review, but the article to which you
allude is rich in the extreme. It begins with an attack on
Maurice's vanity, on his shallow criticism, and weakness. He
is, it seems, a clever sort of person whom it tickles to write
books, which might be readable, only he will write on theology
and philosophy ; and unfortunately intellect is just what Mr.
Maurice does not possess. We are informed (the n + mth
theory of Hamlet) that Shakspeare meant Hamlet as a type of
vapid ' Germanism,' of the dull ' formless Teutonic mind ' ! ! !
Kingsley they greatly like, and think him a fine poet, only the
fear is that he will fall into Maurice's clutches and get spoiled.
" We have heard that Mr. Kingsley holds extreme democratical
opinions, and that he has been even mixed up with the
Chartists, but this we cannot possibly believe." The article is
clearly the production of a mere boy.
Many thanks for your invitation to Easebourne ; I hope
some day to take advantage of it. I fancy you will like
Manning, but not very much ; his last dedication to Bishop
Selwyn (whose letter on colonisation I hope you saw) pleased
me much. Maurice says he is too 'circular' a man — you
know his phrase, too much of 'an intellectual all-in-all.'
I do trust you will contrive to read Shirley. I have not
had so rich a feast for so long a time. All the morbidness of
Jane Eyre gone, and we have the freshest and most glowing
pictures and the soundest and most needful principles, saving
and except the authoress's unbounded hatred of curates.
The expedition to Iceland seems not to have very favour
able auspices, — at least I fancy they don't know much about
it, but I hope to hear more of it, as Babington has written to
Prof. Daubeny. Babington himself has been there, and knows
the difficulties and expenses ; in all probability, if I went at all,
I should go alone with him, but I fear the expense is too
great. This is quite distinct from the talked-of voyage to the
Hebrides, Orkneys, etc.
I am quite ashamed of having forgotten the Football Rules
all the winter. Our Club Rules are as bad as bad can be,
having a basis of the vile Eton system for making skill useless
with merely one or two Rugby modifications. On the other
128 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
hand, our Rugby rules are very complicated and hard to learn
(though excellent), and require much explanation. If I can
find them, you shall have a copy, but I will not delay this letter
to look for them.
I feel greatly tempted to go off, as you request, on politics,
but this is the seventh sheet, and I had better wait a little.
As for slavery, Carlyle had a most extraordinary article in the
last Fraser but one, which has been very much abused. The
drift of it is this : the W. Indies are going to rack and ruin,
for laborers won't work ; niggers like pumpkin and idleness ;
niggers never did any good yet, have no enterprise, no nothing.
Man's highest business is work; if niggers won't work, they
must be made to work, of course for pay. There is really
something in the article, though put paradoxically. J. S. Mill
has answered it fiercely in the last number ; it seems quiet and
plausible enough, but in the vital principles of his reply there
is more Red Republicanism than in anything I ever read. I
do not know Kingsley's precise opinions, but infer from his
writings that he is communistically disposed ; I know also that
he and Maurice have battles on the subject. There is also
significance in the fact that one of his sermons praises the
benevolence of a Benefit Society. Whatever you think of me,
do not suppose me to wish to rest on any respectabilities or
conventions whatever ; thus much at least Carlyle has taught
me, I hope for ever. If rank, station, wealth have no deeper
foundation, they must fall, and will fall. I am glad you like
Consuelo ; you will scarcely understand Albert, and his position
with respect to the moral of the story, till you read the mar
vellous sequel, La Comtesse de Rudohtadt, a strange wild chaos
of thoughts, but instructive beyond measure.
The following is Hort's first note to Mr. Westcott,
then his classical ' coach ' : —
To MR. B. F. WESTCOTT
TRINITY COLLEGE, Monday [Jamtary 1850 (?)].
My dear Sir — Having been laid up by a slight attack of
scarlatina ever since the conclusion of the 'three days,' I
CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE
129
am still unable to leave my room, and have no chance of being
able to do so while this unfavorable weather lasts ; I fear I
must therefore defer reading with you for a few days. Mean
while, however, I shall be much obliged if you will send me
two or three pieces for composition, that I may at least make
an attempt to do something, as I have not yet begun to work.
—Believe me, faithfully yours, FENTON J. A. HORT.
;
most
To MR. JOHN ELLERTON
CAMBRIDGE, February Jth, 1850.
My dear Ellerton — I don't know how it is that your two
most kind notes have been so long unanswered, but the time
flies fast and unheeded as the Classical Tripos approaches. I
am reading, or rather writing, with Westcott daily, and I hope
getting some good. I hear the betting is equal on Beamont,
Schreiber, and myself, and altogether I have enough to en
courage me, though I am not working with much spirit.
I don't think I shall go in for the Crosse, or Tyrwhitt
either, though I am most culpably ignorant of the really
essential 'cram' which belongs to the former. I still waver
at the Hulsean. If I could not go in for the New Triposes, I
should probably try; but it is now all but certain that 1
can, and both are, I fear, too much. The Master has just
announced the special books for his part of the Examination of
'51 : viz. Plato, Charm., Prot., Rep. I. ; Aristotle, Nicomachean
Ethics ; Cicero de finibus; Grotius de jure belli et pads, bk. i. ;
and Dugald Stewart's Outlines of Moral Philosophy ; and as a
special subject, ' Of Things Allowable,' besides a less accurate
knowledge of all moral philosophers of note, a list being given.
The set is most wretched ; and I have a strong idea of writing
to Maurice to ask for a short scheme of philosophical reading.
This, some Theology, and Politics with especial reference to
Communism, I hope to make my chief subjects of study for
the next three or four years.
Read Lady Alice, or the New Una if you can, and don't
be frightened by its apparent (and, in part, real) Morning
Postism. In spite of glaring faults, it is a noble book — most
VOL. I K
130 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
noble, considering the quarter from which it seemingly comes,
sentimental, all-but-Romish high aristocracy. It contains few
personages of ' lower ' station than Marquises and Duchesses,
and their sons and daughters ; and yet every character is a
genuine man or woman of some stamp or other.
To MR. JOHN ELLERTON
CAMBRIDGE, February 8t/t, 1850.
... A letter has to-day reacht the Macmillans from
Maurice, the substance of which he wishes to have conveyed
to all who feel any interest in him, with the assurance that he
is deeply interested in its subject. He and * his friends ' have
set up a journeyman tailor's joint establishment, with shared
profits ; the same is in progress for needlework. Item they
are going to issue a series of tracts called Tracts on Christian
Socialism, the first a dialogue by himself. I need not say I
look forward to them with the most intense interest ; if they
merely advise these sort of things, i.e. an extension of the
benefit-society principle to particular trades, well and good,
provided they don't talk nonsense about people being fraternal
and benevolent because they take part in a good investment
for their money or labor. If they assert that Society itself
and human relations should rest on the same principle, woe
woe to them ! so at least I feel. I have pretty well made up
my mind to devote my three or four years up here to the
study of this subject of Communism more than any but the
kindred topics of Theology and Moral Philosophy.
To THE REV. JOHN ELLERTON
29 MARLBRO' BUILDINGS, BATH,
March 6th, 1850.
My dear Ellerton — I fear you will have been wondering
what in the world has become of me that I have not written
to you to congratulate you.1 . . . But how to congratulate you
3 On his ordination.
AGE 21 CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE 131
I scarcely know — happily you need no formal assurance
how deeply and heartily I 'give you joy.' To receive the
commission given to the Apostles, to be the consecrated herald
of the One Holy Catholic Church to men torn asunder and
set one against the other by wilfulness and slavishness — but I
need not go on with what you know as well as I do — all these
are blessings for which I may well envy you. But my time is
not yet come. ... I have brought down here single volumes
of Fleury, Bingham, Guericke, S. Chrysostom de Sacerdotio,
Origenis contra Cdsum, and S. Cyprian's Epistles, to begin
upon the Hulsean, but have not read or written a word yet.
I have also brought a little Moral Philosophy and Modern
History to read for the Moral Sciences Tripos. I hope in four
or five days to hear the result of the Classical Tripos. I ven
ture to make no prophecies, but will only say that, tho' I
made heaps of mistakes, I was on the whole more than
satisfied. ... Of course you have seen No. i of the Tracts
on Christian Socialism, i.e. Maurice's dialogue between No
body and Somebody. I will try hard to write at length to
you on that point very soon.
To THE REV. JOHN ELLERTON
BATH, March igth, 1850.
I write this to-night, intending to send it in the morning in
company with a Tripos list which I hope to receive from
Blunt by to-morrow's post. Macmillan sent me one to-day.
. . . After all, really, culpably, idle as I have been, I cer
tainly have not the least right to complain because I am
bracketed 3rd. I am quite ashamed to think how gloomy
and discontented I have been this afternoon since receiving
the list, in spite of many a gentle monition from " Him, the
Giver," that it is still He " who satisfieth my mouth with good
things, making me young and lusty as an eagle." Meanwhile
He has even now, I venture to think, given me a far more
precious gift than a degree. The greatest service you can do
for me is to pray that I may not need herein too to have my
selfish pride bruised, in order to be fitted for His holy service.
132 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
. . . Very many thanks for — — 's most interesting letter,
which I return. It is glorious, indeed, to think that Maurice
should penetrate even /such crusts of antique bigotry, but
thirsty souls who long for light will welcome it whencesoever it
comes. May God bless you in all your future work, as He
seems to have blest you already.
To THE REV. JOHN ELLERTON
BATH, March i $th and April gth, 1850.
My dear Ellerton — I believe it will be best for me to write
specially in answer to your last. ... I believe the best mode
of introducing some kind of method will be to follow Maurice's
example, and try to give you, in the first instance, a rapid
sketch of the processes which I have myself traversed. This
way will, in fact, be a direct answer to your original question
how I have come to diverge from our former common track
of politics. But you must not expect me to be certainly
accurate in details. I must claim the indulgence which
Maurice himself so generously, yet so justly, grants to New
man, for, as he says, in such cases the most rapid changes
and rechanges are nothing extraordinary, and chronology must
be in a great measure disregarded.
I believe you know that my father being, to use his own
phrase, a ' Conservative Whig,' I was originally something of
the kind, I didn't exactly know what, only I fancy I had great
faith in the ' admirably balanced constitution ' of Kings,
Lords, and Commons, tho' I always kicked against the
maxim, * The King can do no wrong.' Arnold made me really
see the dignity and glory of politics, tho' a certain indefined
feeling of Liberalism was, I think, nearly all the positive
political creed that I derived originally from him ; but under
this influence .1 quite sympathised with Peel on Maynooth
and one or two such questions. Accordingly, at the Rugby
Debating Society I at first joined the Conservative side, tho'
in speaking I was generally intermediate. I then read Arnold
more, and became more positively Whig-Radical. When the
Corn Laws were repealed I said that Conservatism existed no
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longer. I could not be a Tory, and so shifted to the Whig
side of the House. Just before I left I was made quite wild
by Carlyle's Cromwell, which I swallowed whole, and became
a mere worshipper of Cromwell, thinking myself a Radical.
Coming up to Cambridge I was much the same, tho' I
began somehow to feel how very unliberal and unradical
Cromwell was.
Coleridge's influence went for something in abating my
furor, but Arnold became my almost sole Doctor in politics.
Such or similar was my condition when I began to know you,
and indeed nearly all the while we were together. I am
bound to confess that the Politics for the People were too
readily swallowed. I did not enough consider what I was
about, or remember that professedly the writers in it were at
variance with each other. Hence the only body of my Chartism
was what Arnold had taught my conscience. All the rest was
vague sentiment and theory.
In the following autumn the 3rd vol. of Maurice's King
dom, ist ed., made some impressions upon me, but only
vague and disconnected impressions. Meanwhile I found
myself compelled to resolve in good earnest the questions to
which in reading the Politics I had given a hasty assent, and
such as resulted from them. Political rights in the abstract
were the prominent feature. Ludlovv had spoken of Uni
versal Suffrage, and I said ' Aye.' But why ? Because every
man of full age and compos mentis had a right to a vote. And
why had he a right to a vote ? Because all government that is
not self-government is old-world tyranny. The only question
was, What was the best form of government for making it bona
fide self-government ?
But then came the recollection of an argument which
at Rugby Bradby, a clever and thoughtful Young Englander,
had given (from Coleridge) against universal suffrage, viz. that
a limit must be assigned to voters, otherwise why not include
women and children ? I had formerly simply * pooh-poohed '
the argument. I now felt no real answer to it, but by ad
mitting the consequences. Practically children might be ex
cluded, but why exclude women ? Whether or no they had
a different mental constitution from men, at least they were
I34 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
educated, they could form opinions, they were individual
human beings ; why should they surrender their rights as
such? It might be expedient for a while to exclude them,
even as they had always been excluded ; but this touched not
my point, whether in a right and normal state of things they
would not have equal political rights with men. I do not
think I ever absolutely assented, but for a long while I could
find no reason for refusing assent. But I became soon more
and more sensible that, in the state at which I had arrived in
the process of making democracy more and more pure, I
had been making individualism the true primal characteristic
of humanity, the relations of society but secondary — had, in
short, been thinking as if a man could only be right when
contemplated apart from his fellows. This conclusion per se
was not agreeable to my strong disgust (drawn from Cole
ridge) against the French Encyclopedist theories of man being,
in the first instance, savage and then by degrees civilising him
self by experience. But, what was stronger, this view of
political rights plainly set aside the idea of family ; such an
idea could consistently be but an accidental and non-essential
one.
A society, however democratic, yet composed of a number
of individual bodies possessing each an unity within itself, did
not satisfy the desiderata of my primal numerical troop of
human beings ; but this led to and involved yet deeper con
siderations. When talking of a nation it is easy to think of
all men as on the same level; but when we get into the
narrower region of a family, we find its members bearing to
each other de facto the most various relationships. It is not
easy to persuade oneself that father and son possess a merely
fraternal relation to each other. But above all, is the autho
rity (or whatever name you choose to give it) of father over
son, of husband over wife, a purely factitious and unnatural
one?
This is the root of the matter. Leaving out the latter case,
we find the former acknowledged virtually by the common
consent of mankind to be the type of all authority, regal or
otherwise; even were it not so, knock down all political
authority, commonly so called, and you will still have this
AGE 21
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paternal authority obnoxious to all the objections which beset
authority generally, and no one will pretend that it merely arises
from the consent of the son to be governed. Possibly then
this authority too must needs go ; only, not merely factitious
institutions, but every monition of conscience and reason
must go with it. That which, however abused, does still seem
the main bond of order to society, the channel through which
all education must (ideally) flow so long as men have not the
power of begetting full-grown men — full-grown in mind and
body — that, it seemed, must give way to the imperious require
ments of our theory, itself founded, as it seemed, on equally
deep and universal principles. All this is and was inde
pendent of the teaching of the Bible, which I do not think you
will be willing to allow to be quite beside the point. For my
own part, whatever else might be true, I could not and would
not give up the divine and permanent Tightness of the paternal
authority ; and so for a while I remained, of course not exactly
quiescent, but oscillating in erratic curves; what I tell you,
however, was, I believe, my punctum medium.
Now in all this theory there was, I think, a vague notion
interfused that obedience to authority, however warranted by
occasional circumstances, has in it somewhat of an essentially
servile nature. But about this time I had constantly in my
mind that wonderful reconciliation of half the theological
enigmas which ever have arisen, which Maurice points out in
one of his sermons on the Temptation, and expounds more
fully (tho', I think, not so forcibly) in one of his latter
Prayer-book series l on the Consecration Prayer. He reminds
us how " worldly men in their carnal and proud hearts cannot
conceive how the Father commands because the Son obeys,
and the Son obeys because the Father commands."
This had for some time given to me a most blessed and
practical solution of the question of Free Will. I dared not
apply the term l servile ' to this loving and willing yet eternal
obedience of the Son " begotten before all worlds " ; yet surely
it was the fullest, completest obedience, the perfect type of all
imperfect obedience on earth, and likewise was the authority
1 Christmas Day, and other Sermons, Sermon xii. p. 160 (ist ed.
1843).
136 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
of the Father the fullest, completest authority, the perfect type
of all imperfect authority on earth. This fundamental doctrine
of the filial subordination of the Son from all eternity (in no
wise interfering with His co-eternity and co-equality with the
Father) is hard to receive, and will always be rejected when
the understanding seeks to exert an universal empire ; yet I
fully believe that it is the keystone of theology and humanity,
and that without it men must ' confound the Persons.' It is
very remarkable that Coleridge, in spite of his underlying
tendency to Sabellianism, which (as it seems to me) gives
evident tokens of its presence in his Literary Remains, clung
with such determined energy to this doctrine that he rejected
the Athanasian Creed mainly because it seemed to him to be
silent about it, if not to deny it by implication. Thousands
of persons who do not dream of rejecting St. John's Gospel,
would be horrified at its distinct enunciation, concluding
(correctly enough, according to logic) that it is incompatible
with the belief of the equality of the Three Persons of the
Trinity. And I am now persuaded that this same scepticism
of the carnal understanding is what makes us confound obedi
ence on earth with slavery, authority with tyranny ; and set
down freedom as inconsistent with obedience. And I am
likewise persuaded that practically men gain this seemingly
impossible reconciliation in and through that same Spirit in
whom the Son and the Father are (I do not now say one
— that is another question) equal.
In conjunction with this idea I found great help in one
somewhat different, at least in form. Maurice, in the Politics,
discusses the fundamental axioms from which Mill deduced
Universal Suffrage. The first was, "Government was made
for man, and not man for government." The first half
Maurice allows ; the second is, he says, ambiguous : if it
means that man was not made to be governed, it is false. I
do not recollect Maurice's arguments ; the idea was pregnant
enough in itself. You must have observed that nearly all demo
cratic theorists lose sight of God's government of mankind ;
if reminded of it, they say, " Oh yes ! we know that, — that of
course superintends everything, but we are thinking of the
government of men by men." If, however, the analogy of
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137
God's dealings with men in other matters is to be here pre
served, we must start from God's government, and make that
the central idea of all our speculations. Men therefore, I say,
are made to be governed by God. They are not, in the first
instance, free from superior controul; this is the essential
point. Whether or not democracy be true, men are ideally,
normally in their right state only when they obey a law not
of their own creation. I appeal to you whether this doctrine
is not really as opposed to the general broad axiom that no
reasonable being can be bound by what he has not consented
to, as any Tory doctrine is ; and if that axiom be not general
and broad, I do not see what foundation it can ever seem to
have to a reasonable man.
But further, the Bible surely teaches us that every function
among men is a copy of some Divine function, and not a
copy only, but an operative and representative image of it,
Thus human priests are representatives of the High Priest,
not substitutes or vicars for Him, but discharging partially His
functions to men, setting forth what He is ; fathers likewise
represent the Great Father, and so with other functions.
Surely it is most natural to suppose that, analogously to the
other parts of this Divine plan, we shall have representative
kings, setting forth the Divine King of mankind, deriving their
authority and commission directly from Him, and in no wise
invested with them merely by the free-will of their subjects,
' the people.'
But we should also naturally expect that many rulers would
seek to hold power by a very different tenure, not to exhibit
themselves as true officers of the Righteous Governor of all
by themselves exercising Righteous Government, but to set
up their own will as law, delighting not in doing what is right,
but what they pleased ; such a kingship God Himself cannot
exercise. By the very law of His nature His will must be a
righteous, cannot be an arbitrary will, and that righteous will is
the true fountain of law for all who bear His title of king. Such,
briefly, I believe to be God's primal plan for the government
of the nations. Men have caused all sorts of deviations from
it, even as myriads of sects and heresies have obscured the
true type of the Church. The more fully, as I believe, that
138 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
this plan is carried out, the more perfect will be the liberty of
subjects, the more will all arbitrary and unjust barriers be
broken down ; for neither for God, nor angel, nor man can
I admit liberty to consist in unbounded scope for arbitrary
will, but in perfect willing obedience to a perfect law.
As for the course of events, they are evidently tending to
democracy. Kings have forgotten their mission and set
themselves up as devil-tyrants. So far as I can read God's ways
in history, it is His purpose by these (?) l means to work out
the liberation of all mankind from the thraldom of all kinds
of kingly oppression, and then, when at the same time the
barriers true as well as false have been broken down, and the
nations are howling in all the horrors of anarchy, to set
up anew His true representatives, kings exercising righteous
judgement.
With regard to the case of the Israelites, I think Maurice
is right. At the time of Saul they were scarcely enough formed
into a nation to be fit for a king, more especially as it was
needful that they should first be taught the primary truth (the
title by which David reigned), that the Lord was their King ;
but clearly it was intended that they should ultimately have
an earthly king. Their sin was that they desired one who
should treat them as slaves, and not as the free subjects of a
true king.
Thus much concerning my Toryism. I might write for
ever, but space has bounds. The question of rebellion, which
in some measure follows as a corollary, it is less important to
touch on, more especially as it is well treated in the Kingdom
of Christ^ vol. iii. ist ed.2 But perhaps you will fancy that this
has little to do with Communism. I can only say that it was
through the region of pure politics that I myself approacht
Communism, and I cannot help feeling that I thereby was
delivered from some very unpleasant paradoxes.
Most persons think of it merely as connected with property ;
others with rank and social station; others with family and
especially conjugal relations. All these are, I believe, most
intimately connected ; at all events, I never heard of a Com-
1 The word is indistinct.
2 See postscript to this letter, p. 144.
AGE 21 CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE 139
munist who was not a Radical. (I use the word in no offen
sive sense.)
I have no intention of going through all these phases ; but
if you allow the truth of what I have alleged in favour of in
equality of power and authority, you will, I think, see that
consistently the same must be true with regard to property.
Let me say once for all what appears to me to be the real
nature of the difference between the several opinions on the
subject. Political economists, * Millocrats ' (P),1 aristocrats,
etc. etc., practically and often avowedly declare that their
superiorities of wealth, or station, or birth are intended for
their own special enjoyment, are, so long as they possess them,
exclusively their own, and that they may do what they like
with their own.
The Communistic or rather Socialistic theorist accepts this
selfish view of property, etc., and appeals to mankind whether
it is right that these gradations of enjoyment or ' happiness '
should be recognised and allowed. All men, he contends,
have an equal right to enjoy themselves, to have an equal
portion of the pabulum of enjoyment. But it seems to me that
the deadly poison of Socialism is its deification of selfishness,
that it is based upon the notion of a balance of interests, as
many in number as there are human beings on the globe.
Surely, surely the doctrine which Kingsley pours forth so
gloriously in The Sainfs Tragedy is the true doctrine, that
nothing in the universe, which lives its true life, lives for itself.
Surely every man is meant to be God's steward of every
blessing and 'talent' (power, wealth, influence, station, birth,
etc. etc.) which He gives him, for the benefit of his neigh
bours. Taken simply per se, this doctrine would probably
lead to much fanaticism, constantly to the saddest confusions
and perversions of God's laws ; but, if we remember that His
Spirit is at every moment teaching us how to be faithful and
wise stewards, reminding us that we are not mere bottomless
buckets (letting God's gifts run straight through us as fast as
we receive them) but responsible living men, bound, as on the
one hand not to seek our own enjoyment, so on the other to
remember constantly (the hardest of tasks to the * well-mean-
1 The word is indistinct.
i4o FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, m
ing ' !) that neither is enjoyment the right end of the lives of
others, and that the truest and highest way of spending and
being spent for our brethren is to educate them constantly
especially to the highest education, the knowledge of God,—
if we do this, I say, we shall see why God gives more to one
than to another, and learn how to be workers together with
Him for His great glory ; for this again is an important con
sideration. He uses all sorts of means in the education of
mankind ; and even so may and must we use all that are in
our hands, not stepping out of our place and endeavouring to
be greater philanthropists than He is, but laboring to discern
and keep in harmony with the present laws of His operation.
To be without responsibility, to be in no degree our
'brother's keeper,' would be the heaviest curse imaginable.
This seems true universally, but surely there is no material of
responsibility so powerful as wealth; how men could be
educated without it, I cannot see.
But I am far from shutting my eyes to the awful abuses of
property now existing ; but for those, I think, if possible,
partial or temporal remedies must be devised. I cannot at
present see any objection to a limit being placed by the State
upon the amount of property which any one person may
possess, or even to sumptuary laws of various kinds ; on such
points we might learn much from the Romans. I believe the
true idea of property to be set forth in Maurice's sermon, on
" Give us this day our daily bread." " Mine and yet not mine,
but mankind's " is its formula, logically self-contradictory, even
as is the similar formula of moral action, " I and yet not I,
but Christ that dwelleth in me." The doctrine of human
merit is the corruption on the one side, of the negation of
virtue and the substitution of vicarious virtuous acts of Christ's,
on the other, of the latter idea;1 and in like manner the
common selfish notion of property is the corruption on the
one side, socialism on the other, of the former.
But you will protest that, true or false, this seems not to
1 This sentence is obscurely worded. Apparently the right sense would
be given by rewriting thus : ' ' Of the latter idea the doctrine of human merit
is the corruption on the one side ; that of the negation of virtue and the sub
stitution of vicarious virtuous acts of Christ is its corruption on the other."
AGE 21 CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE
141
touch the frightfully practical question of Competition ; you
rejoice because Maurice seems to you to state broadly that
competition is per se a bad thing. To the best of my recollec
tion this is not his real doctrine. I think he says — at all events
/ would say — that the co-operative principle is a better and a
mightier than the competitive principle ; for I know no mean
ing for the competitive principle but a rivalry, a jealous and
selfish rivalry, of interests. It seems to me that competition is
not in itself a bad thing, if we mean by that that several men
separately gain their living by the same means ; I would rather
say that the co-operative principle attains its fullest realization
in competition, and that competition is self-ruinous, self-
destructive without it. Would that all thought so and acted
so ! To denounce competition as purely evil is to say (as a
little reflexion will show you) that trade is purely evil, and
commerce, and all interchange of goods.
This is certainly a startling doctrine. Possibly if trade
were more generally regulated by the principles of the book
of Proverbs, no one would dream of admitting such a doctrine
for a moment. But when the co-operative principle seeks to
frame for itself a spell [?] x drawn out of itself, — in short, to
solidify itself into a system of its own, — it must lose its own
meaning. Its beauty and excellence are moral, not mechanic
ally inherent ; co-operation is fellow-work, the work of brother
men for and with each other. Here each is a spring of life,
each's responsibility is daily proved, each renders to his
brethren willing, cheerful, reasonable service. But co-operation
turned into a system becomes simply co-machination \ the
true individuality of each is lost, all that constitutes him a man,
a moral being, is lost ; he is merely a conjointly-working wheel.
Nor is selfishness a whit removed ; he seeks ' our interest,'
* the interest of that of which / am a part,' instead of ' my
interest ' ; and I own I do not see what is gained by the
change. Of course he may be unselfish under such circum
stances, but not more so than under a state of competition.
I am quite willing to allow that as temporary and partial
alleviations of present material suffering, nay, possibly as
examples suggestive of the principle which should guide all
1 The word is indistinct.
I42 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
dealings of trade, such associations as Maurice is setting up
may be most useful. But I contend that such devices must be
but grease and springs to relieve the jars and strains and jerks
of our social system, but never can rightly, or even (for any
time) possibly, form its substantive elements, much less its
motive power. The very important question of birth and
nobility I have not much studied, but assuming that normally
there are inequalities of station, I cannot imagine any better
foundation of inequality, any more effectual corrective of a
mere ploutocracy or titanocracy.
There is a most common feeling to which one cannot
but in great measure assent, that power and dignity should
belong to those, and those alone, who are worthy of them, and
would exercise them wisely find graciously. Yet after much
reflexion on this point (especially in connexion with Carlyle's
demand of only Able-men for kings) I have come to the con
clusion that God most wisely ordains that men should be
looked up to for other than personal excellencies ; otherwise
it would, I feel, be next to impossible to think of Him as the
Source of everything bright and good, and not to look upon
their excellencies as inherent in themselves. These seemingly
arbitrary grounds of distinction are so many witnesses that it
is God Himself who must choose whom He will ' delight to
honour.' There is also a most evident connexion between
pre-eminence of birth and the idea of family, which I think you
will readily allow to have been the simplest type of order
which God has set forth to men in all ages, the trunk of the
tree of society. Further, whatever may be the case when all
mankind shall have understood and recovered their true
position, there is now at least great good in the attaching
honour to those who distinctly preserve practically the idea of
race, the main medium of setting forth true individualism
together with true blood-unity, as separated pro tanto from
'the masses,' from those who mostly forget their connexion
with the past and the future, and more or less are but particles
of a lump. (See Maurice's comment on the Beast in The
Songs of the Church.} But however the horrors of com
petition and aristocratic insolence may act as ever-present
goads to you, I believe the main root of your Communism,
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and of all true Communism (i.e. Socialism plus what I am
going to mention), is the feeling that men are meant to be
not only free, brothers of each other, equals of each other,
but one with each other.
I think Maurice was wrong in substituting Unity for Equality
in the Communistic triad, for Unity being a far deeper idea
than Equality, he disturbed the co-ordination of the three ;
Unity is rather the central root from which they all spring.
And I for one do most firmly hold that all men are equal, as
well as that men are unequal, and that their equality is deeper
than their inequality. I mean it not merely in the pseudo-
religious way in which it is often acknowledged in the pulpit
on Sunday, but really substantially as a fundamental principle
of true Christian action. But I should think it a hungry, dry,
theoretical principle if it were not sustained by the principle
of the unity of mankind, the deepest in men's hearts and the
hardest to express in any formula, revolutionary or otherwise.
And as I believe that men are equal in spite of the divine
inequalities of paternity, kingship, etc. etc., because the Father
and the Son are co-equal in spite of the subordination of the
Son to the Father, even so I believe that men, though many
persons, are one, because the Father and the Son are one, and
that in each case the unition is in and through the Spirit, not
begotten, but proceeding from both the Father and the Son.
The distinctness of the Three Persons of the Godhead is
the ground of the personal distinctness of men, which personal
distinctness is hated by genuine Communists ; witness the
rejection of individual names on the part of the Count and
Countess in La Comtesse de Rudolstadt, who will acknow
ledge no name but the common name of ' man.' This
principle of unity may take, and has taken, a thousand different
shapes. I will not enter upon its connexion with the Church,
but merely refer to {A man's a man for a' that' and the
Bothie as good practical expressions of it. It has much to
do (especially in connexion with the opposite pole of Individu
ality) with various mysterious but most important questions —
that, for instance, of the relation of epws to o-ropyrj and of
aycwn; to both, but these, tho' quite ad rem, must be left now
untouched.
144 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
Instead of giving you now any a posteriori arguments to
connect Communism with Pantheism, I will leave you to
follow out such thoughts as what I have already said may
suggest. Neither will I bother you with showing that to be
consistent you must follow Plato, and believe permanence of
marriage to be a pernicious bondage. Lawless right, formless
substance, bodiless spirit, — these are, I believe, the general
formulae common to all the aspects of Pantheism ; arbitrary
law, naked form, lifeless matter, of pure Monotheism. The
mutual correlation and reciprocal necessity of the twin sets of
ideas, as grounded upon a Trinity in Unity, are set forth and
interwoven into the daily life of men by the two great
Universal Sacraments, and in a lesser degree by the lesser
Sacraments. I ask you not to conclude too hastily that this
conflict and this reconciliation, which are found in every
other region, are wanting in the region of Politics. May God
lead us both into all truth in these and all other mysteries of
His Kingdom ! — Ever, my dear Ellerton, most affectionately
yours, FENTON J. A. HORT.
{Postscript}
On second thoughts it seems better to say a word on
'loyalty' and rebellion. I do not profess to be able to
answer every objection, but I think I see my way clearly
in one or two directions. There is a certain Divine plan
upon which God would have all kingdoms formed, even
as there is a certain Divine plan for all churches and religious
bodies ; but, as religious bodies have forsaken the Apostolic
type, even so have states forsaken their true Davidean type,
becoming tyrannies and democracies in various modifications.
Nevertheless all these violations of God's own order are part of
His providential government. It behoves men therefore, who
find themselves in an abnormal and irregular state of things,
while they maintain in their hearts and advance, so far as
God's will is made manifest to them, the truer and higher
state, to submit themselves to the lower, and more corrupt, as
still in a lower sense ordained by Him, and not to rebel
against it in self-will ; thus the Apostles rightly did not resist
the Emperors, but the Nonjurors acted wrongly. Submission
AGE 21 CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE 145
to de facto rule is a duty. It was for their maintaining this rule
in opposition to the Sacheverel doctrine that James I. refused
to sign the Canons of 1606 (I think), commonly called Bishop
Overall's Convocation Book, after they had been adopted by both
Houses of Convocation and Parliament. Loyalty I cannot
define, but it seems to me to be a peculiar filial feeling toward
God's Anointed King, which could never in any considerable
degree be shown to any one, whose authority was in any sense
our own creature. It is customary to call it slavish ; but a
slave, a human labouring machine, cannot be loyal ; freedom
and personal independence are implied in it.
The following letter was written and sent before the
last was completed : —
To THE REV. JOHN ELLERTON
BATH, March 30^, 1850.
. . I cannot let Easter-tide altogether pass away without
ling you a line or two of good wishes and ordinary babble.
As for No. i, you seem to take that individual's misfortunes (?)
to heart much more than he does himself; there is really
nothing very appalling in being two places lower than one
might have been, tho' it is vexatious, especially as Tait
seems disappointed, as well as several of my friends. I should
infer from your letter that you fancy Beamont to be above
me ; that is not the case ; he merely begins with a B, I with
an H (I wish for the nonce the examiners had spelt me as
some tradesmen do, ' Aught ' !). Schreiber and Beamont have
got the medals, and are, I should think, the best of those in
for them. After all I have the Moral and Natural Science
Triposes still before me, to say nothing of my Fellowship ; I
wish I had any chance of the latter for this year, but I have
none. If during the next eighteen or twenty months I read
half what I have in mind to do, I shall do very well, but
indolent ways are not easily overcome.
I have made several valuable acquaintances ; among others
that of Markland (who founded the sermon for the Propagation
VOL. I L
146 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
of the Gospel Society). . . . He had a glorious library, heaps
of interesting portraits, etc. etc., and pleased me much. I
heard once at St. Michael's, a splendid modern Early English
church, . I was half asleep, but he seemed a man with
real brave stuff in him. I was twice or three times at the
Octagon Chapel. These chapels are curious places, quite
Bathonian.
I heard John Parry the other night ; he is laughable
enough, has a noble voice and most marvellous power over
the piano, but his 'entertainments' are not particularly
intellectual.
This is a most beautiful city. The Abbey is not very much,
late Perpendicular, unfinished ; but the hollows and combes,
where the soft lias of the vales melts into its harder beds,
where they join on to the oolite of the hills, are most varied
and rich. We are about the junction of the strata, half-way
up Lansdown, in the last row in Bath, looking out on the
breezy Victoria Park.
Perhaps it will be as well to keep Maurice's letter till I am
in Cambridge, which will be (D. V.) in a fortnight. You are
most welcome to take a copy for yourself; but no one has
seen it but the Macmillans, their friend H. Gotobed, W.
Howard, and Blunt, and it is very doubtful whether I shall
show it to any one else.
I wish Kingsley's tract Cheap Clothes and Nasty was
out. I am not now going to talk on the subject, but simply
protest against being associated with the Economist, or
any other political economic quack. You shall have more of
the new Princess from Cambridge ; there is a song between
each canto, and the * conclusion ' is considerably altered and
enlarged ; minor changes occur throughout. Don't abuse
Kingsley's War-song ; it is not flute-like, but surely it has a
rude gigantesque tromboon vigour about its music ; it occurs
in one of a beautiful series of articles on ' N. Devon,' and is
sung by Claude Mellot in a boat of fishermen and fisherwomen,
old and young, going out from Clovelly to Lundy Isle. I am
much pleased with No. 2 of Carlyle ; he has boldly set forth
justice as a ground of punishment, and made the sentimentalists
furious. The authoress of Shirley is older than you fancy ;
AGE 22
CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE
147
she is twenty-six, and wears light flowing hair down to her
waist. She lives quite in solitude with her father (her two
sisters died a year or two ago), and he knew nothing of the
matter till she simultaneously presented him with Jane Eyre
and the reviews of it. Clark reviewed Shirley in Fraser. I
saw in the North American an amusing review of Lady Alice.
It is much vext to find that the book is written by an American,
and grieves that a model republican should write so superstitious,
aristocratic, indecent a book ; it certainly has faults enough,
but no nation need be ashamed of it. I want much to skim
Southey's Life, but have not yet seen it.
I wish I saw into that ^pov^a a-ap/cos question ; Maurice
gave me no answer about it. Two things at least are certain :
first, that Christ has redeemed the flesh and taken it into the
Divine Nature by the Incarnation ; second, that " the flesh
lusteth against the spirit." The reconciliation I cannot see.
I am afraid I cannot help you on Gen. iii. Probably
Revelations are, as you hint, the best guide ; the beginning of
the Bible is elucidated by the end. I have often thought of
asking Maurice in conversation, but there are more impera
tively engrossing points. Thinking over the time when I used
to exult in despising Revelations, etc., I cannot help thinking
of Clough's lines, and longing for more of that
Courage to let the courage sink,
Itself a coward base to think,
Rather than not for heavenly light
Wait on, to show the truly right.
I wrote to Macmillan about Midhurst ; I know no one myself.
Respecting your work in Scotland, remember that noble sonnet
by one of the Ragged School teachers, prefixt to the volume of
the Politics for the People, beginning —
Not all who seem to fail, have failed indeed.
To HIS MOTHER
CAMBRIDGE, May lot/t, 1850.
. . . The Exhibition of Antient and Mediaeval Art, which
I especially wished to see, interested me a good deal, though I
I48 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
was in some measure disappointed ; I had expected to see a
good deal of beauty of form, especially in the goldsmiths'
work, but found scarcely any. On the other hand, the elabor
ateness and richness of the carving was perfectly wonderful.
Many of the best objects had been sent for exhibition by the
Queen, and several were of historical as well as artistic
interest ; one of the finest of these was a magnificent shield
(attributed to Benvenuto Cellini) given by Francis I. to Henry
VIII., probably at the Field of the Cloth of Gold.
. . . Babington will be much pleased if I can join him at
Edinburgh for the British Association, which meets there on
July 3ist, and then take a run with him and Balfour (the
Edinburgh Professor of Botany) into Ross-shire and Sutherland-
shire, and either the Hebrides or the Orkneys for scientific
exploration. I was glad on reaching Cambridge, and examin
ing the Ilfracombe sea-weeds which I had myself gathered,
and a few of which I had laid out, to find that, with few
exceptions, you and I had hit on different species.
To THE REV. GERALD BLUNT
CAMBRIDGE, Ascension Day, 1850.
(Finisht May 12th.)
. . . You ask me about the liberty to be allowed to
clergymen in their views of Baptism. For my own part, I
would gladly admit to the ministry such as hold Gorham's
view, much more such as hold the ordinary confused Evan
gelical notions, tho' I would on no account alter the Prayer-
book or Catechism to make them more palatable to them. But
for all that I could not have signed the famous Judgement,
because I do not think that the Formularies will fairly bear
the meaning there pronounced admissible. But if a clergy
man says he can honestly use them, I would not molest him.
I do not think that Gorham's views would have been tolerated
in the early ages. I am not aware of their existence for many
centuries except in notorious heretics.
Of course you have seen by this time Cheap Clothes and
Nasty, and the three numbers of the Tracts on Christian
AGE 22 CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE 149
Socialism, i and 3 by Maurice, and 2 by a barrister of the
name of Hughes. They are fully worth study ; but I still hold
back from Socialism. . . .
I think Maurice's letter to me sufficiently showed that we
have no sure knowledge respecting the duration of future
punishment, and that the word ' eternal ' has a far higher
meaning than the merely material one of excessively long
duration ; extinction always grates against my mind as some
thing impossible. . . .
You will be glad to hear that Sir James Stephen has been
delivering a really splendid course of lectures on the medi
aeval history of France, . . . full of matter and thought.
Hare's charge is good and interesting ; he has twice
indignant protests against the persecution of Miss Sellon ; his
letter to Cavendish is not remarkable. I daresay you will
have seen the article in the Quarterly on Maurice and
Queen's College, as well as Maurice's magnificent pamphlet in
reply ; I never saw charges so completely flung back on the
accuser. As a piece of controversial writing, it surpasses even
Henry of Exeter's works.
To THE REV. JOHN ELLERTON
CAMBRIDGE, May i6th, 1850.
... A few days afterwards Kingsley was here for an hour
or two merely on business, so that I did not see him, but
Macmillan told him of you and Serres (that's the name I
think) ; he said that he would give anything to know you, and
desired that his request might be conveyed to you to call upon
him at Eversley, or write to him, and he would call upon you
at Easebourne, or do anything else to bring you together.
I was in town from Sunday to Tuesday last but one, to see
the Mediaeval Exhibition ; heard Maurice preach on Sunday,
went to breakfast with him on Monday and Tuesday, and tea
on Monday, and saw and made acquaintance with Ludlow,
Hughes (the author of Tract No. 2), Furnival, Vansittart
Neale, Chevallier, and others of the set, as well as the Tailors.
A. Macmillan (who was with me) told them I was an enemy,
150 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
but I had a friend Ellerton down in the country, a most
determined Socialist ; they shouted, Hughes especially, O that
they must at once get him to fraternize and make him an
agent, and Hughes asked me where you dwelt ; I told him, and
shall not be surprized if you hear something of them ; at all
events, the door is opened for you.
Of course you've seen Maurice's magnificent smasher of the
Quarterly's pitiful attack. Kingsley is coming out with a three-
volume Socialist novel, Alton Locke, Poet and Tailor: an
Autobiography ; I have to-day seen the two first proof-sheets.
To THE REV. JOHN ELLERTON
CAMBRIDGE, Trinity Stmday [May 26th], 1850.
My dear Ellerton — After spending the greater part of to
day in reading Maurice's History of Philosophy, from the
beginning of Plato down to the Christian period (no small
amount), I sit down to begin to you an answer due above a
month ago.
... I heard a fair amount of music at Bath. Catherine
Hayes disgusted me ; they call her pretty, but she is merely
like a painted doll. I don't know whether you remember
a pair of popular Cambridge engravings, each of a rustic
girl sitting in an attitude on a bank simpering vilely; the
prettiest of them is exactly a portrait of her, and all her
ways and manners are equally mincing. Her crack song,
'Savourneen Deelish,' was to me horrible; she dolorously
drawled and whined and spun out the notes to half a minute
apiece, in a manner most unpathetic and unballad-like. She
has a wonderful, rich, powerful voice (of course far below
Jenny Lind's), but, I think, no genius. This came out most
strongly in ' Ah non giungej which she had the bad taste to
sing in rivalry of Jenny Lind ; she sung it very well, but it was
merely the pretty, varied, sensuous air of Bellini, while Jenny
threw the very soul of music into it. I must in justice mention
that she was picked out of a charity school at Limerick by the
late Bishop, educated, and sent to Italy at his expense.
Meanwhile he got into difficulties and had to sell the furniture
AGE 22
CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE
of his palace ; she chanced to hear of it, instantaneously turned
every article she possest into money, and redeemed the
furniture. I did not like Kate Loder's piano-playing, it was
so monotonous and tastelessly rapid; but she had the dis
advantage of a detestable piano.
While I think of it, will you be kind enough to send me
Maurice's letter, if you have really done with it ?
How noble Carlyle continues in spite of some nonsense !
We had a capital Union debate on the Latter-Day Pamphlets ;
of course I defended him most warmly. Davies l (our scholar)
sent Carlyle a copy of a pamphlet he has just published (on
admitting the Clergy to Parliament), and mentioned the debate
and its favorable result, and received a most characteristic
but hearty and kind note in return. It was Mill who answered
Carlyle on ' Quashee and Pumpkin,' etc. Apropos of him, ist,
because I see that in England Socialism begins in the region
of Political Economy, and to study it rightly one should occupy
the ground ; 2nd, because the subject is in the Moral Science
Tripos, I have just got his Political Economy, and hope to
read it cum multis aliis in the Long.
Poor, poor Lord Lincoln ! ! Yet perhaps his heavy sorrows
are meant to ripen him for future holding of the helm of the
State. So after all the mighty spring of half the life of the
century is dried up. Wordsworth is dead ! Well ! I believe
we shall find men to take his place, not altogether unworthily
in course of time. There is a large committee of great names
to collect subscriptions for a bust in Westminster Abbey, a
monument at Grasmere, and some institution to his memory ;
Maurice, Hare, and two others form the acting committee.
On Tuesday last I had a sort of link to you, being at one
end of that long belt of Lower Green Sand on the other end of
which you are fixed ; all the vegetation is wonderfully fresh and
warm upon it.
Maurice told me that he hoped to have the first (ante-
Christian) part of his History of Philosophy out in June, the
est not for ever so long, as a vast deal would have to be done
to it in the way of expansion, etc. He had entirely re-written
the Jewish period, but intended only to touch up the Greek.
1 Now the Rev. J. LI. Davies.
152 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
I know nothing of the Warburtonian Lectures and Sermons on
the Occasional Services except the advertisement; but Mac-
millan has just had a note to say that he and Mrs. Maurice are
ordered abroad by their medico for three months for health's
sake. He laughs as far as regards himself, tho' I am sure
he greatly overworks himself, but his wife is certainly very ill.
I have got Coleridge's new book, but not read much ; it is
(except a few pages transcribed in Gillman's Life) entirely
new, consisting of a gathering up, as complete as possible, of
his articles in the Courier, Morning Post, etc., and his early
Watchman effusions. These latter are wild enough, but fully
bear out his protestation that he never was a Jacobin. At the
end are a few new poems, chiefly epigrams. Void the best of
them.
In vain I praise thee, Zoilus,
In vain thou railst at me.
Me no one credits, Zoilus,
And no one credits thee.
I have F. Newman's Soul in hand, but find it awfully dull
and saccharine and vapid. I have scarcely seen his new
Phases of Faith (the last being, I suppose, 'New Moon'). They
seem stronger, but full of the same placid, self-complacent,
boudoir scepticism which exasperates me beyond measure. I
have also a long while begun G. Sand's Lelta, in order to see
her worst, but have made little way through its jungles of
dreary Werterism, setting up people as the objects of the
greatest interest — almost worship — in proportion to the amount
of sins they have committed.
I have a sort of fancy that I never told you of my having
written to Maurice about three weeks before going to Bath, to
ask about a course of Moral Philosophy reading, etc., and to
know whether he still thought that Englishmen should attend
more to Ethics than to Metaphysics. Just then I heard of the
forthcoming Socialist Tracts, and added a postscript wishing
him success, but protesting against the cant of praising the
meritoriousness and benevolence of those who joined an
association. At last I got an answer, which you shall see when
you are with me, but is hardly worth sending unless you are
methodically attacking the subject — valuable enough for its
AGE 22 CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE 153
own purposes, and containing some beautiful remarks on
Plato and Aristotle. To the former, he says, he owes more
than to any book but the Bible. I will transcribe what he
says on Socialism ; of course he begins it in connexion with
the previous subjects : —
" On the whole I should hold fast to Plato and Aristotle,
and make the other books of the course illustrative of them.
Our modern Socialist questions, which, as you say, must press
more and more upon us, will, I conceive, present themselves
to you again and again while you are busy with those ancients.
And it is a grand thing to read the newspapers by the light of
them, and them by the light of the newspapers. I send you
my tract in this letter. You shall have the second soon. I
do not suppose they will be read much, but they may set some
people thinking who will do something better themselves. I
do not wish to represent it as any merit in the working men
to join a trading fraternity ; but neither do I think it is any
merit to join a purely religious or benevolent fraternity. It
seems to me the right thing to do both one and the other
kind of work according to the Gospel, and that is all I see
about it."
On my return hither I wrote to thank him, and explained
that I did not mean merit theologically, but could not ascribe
moral excellence to what was done from motives of self-
interest. A few days afterwards I went up to town, and of
that visit I must now give you some account. Mackenzie
was eating his term at Lincoln's Inn, and I agreed to run up
on the Monday and go with him to see the ' Mediaeval Show '
(as Maurice called it). I wrote three or four days before to
Maurice to ask what time I should find him at home on Mon
day or Tuesday, knowing (and telling him) that he was not to
be found at ordinary hours. He begged me to come to
breakfast on Monday if I were so early in town, and at all
events he would try to meet me at the ''Show,' and I must
take tea with him in the evening, when ' some barristers and
others to whom he would like to introduce me ' met ' to
read the Scriptures — not at all in a formal way,' and must
breakfast with him the next morning. I knew of this
'Crotchet Club,' as A. Macmillan calls it, and had chosen
154 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
Monday with that view. I answered that I could not resist
his whole invitation, and would go up on Sunday. Mean
while the thought struck me, why not hear him preach as
well ? And as I found A. Macmillan was going up on Sunday
morning to attend a sale, I agreed to go with him. We de
posited our luggage at Wood's, Furnival's Inn, secured beds,
and sallied forth to look at Lincoln's Inn and the neighbour
hood, and finally to go to service. We got in the pew
diagonally furthest from Maurice, and he was already in his
desk. It was a dark afternoon, and the stained glass was dim,
and I would hardly believe that that was the Maurice of the
portrait. His reading of the service did not seem to me nearly
so marked and varied as you described and Blunt confirmed,
but it was wonderfully beautiful ; not a particle of effect or
mouthing, but the calmest, solemnest, yet never monotonous,
prayer. The anthem was a long, dreary anthology of scraps
from old English composers ; but it was curious to watch his
face looking out into the chapel, with the dark hollows of his
deep-set eyes strongly contrasted with the rest of his face in
the sort of twilight. His text was i John i. 8, 9. . . . Such
a sermon in every respect I never heard ; his quiet, deep voice,
piercing you so softly and firmly through and through, never
pausing or relaxing in its strain of eloquence, every syllable,
as it were, weighted with the energy and might of his whole
soul (and what a soul !), kept me crouched in a kind of spell,
such as I could not have conceived. After chapel we dined
and then went to see Ludovici (an odd Red Republican
German artist of some genius, who was here for some time) at
a curious foreign boarding-house ; and truly a more strange
Sunday evening I never past : there were one or two male
singing notabilities and Hurwitz, the great chess-player. The
next (rainy) morning we were at Maurice's before nine ; he
received me most kindly, and apologized that he had brought
me unawares but unintentionally into a Socialist breakfast ; a
committee had to meet, and his breakfast -table was most
speedy and convenient. Accordingly I was introduced to
Ludlow and one or two others (Hughes, a most glorious, free,
hearty fellow Macmillan had introduced to me after chapel on
Sunday). Ludlow, with his quiet, earnest, strong, gentle manner,
AGE 22 CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE 155
pleased me much. Among the others were Vansittart Neale,
who supplies most of the cash (he is cousin to Vansittart, who
is now among the promoters, but was that day at Cambridge),
and Chevallier, a French political economist. They are
coming out with a book on the subject likely to be very
strong, and to contain an honest attack on property, root and
branch. Maurice's evanescent smiles and occasional quiet,
overwhelming observations, the force of which they did not in
the least perceive, amused me much. I had not much con
versation with him then, but in his presence everything was
delight. ... I called for Mackenzie in Wimpole Street, and
thence to the ' Mediaeval Show,' which certainly disappointed
me, interesting as it was; I expected beauty of form and
found none. Thence to the Old Water-Colours Exhibition,
but any details of this and the Royal Academy I must re
serve, or this letter will not be able to go to-night. Thence
with him as far as Regent Circus, Oxford Street, whence we
parted, and I to Lincoln's Inn. I had still some time before
meeting Macmillan, so walked to the National Gallery to see
John Bellini's ' Doge,' and lounged there for half an hour ;
thence joined Macmillan at Nutt's, went and dined and called
on Furnival. He took us to see the Shoemakers' and Tailors'
Associations. Thence to the Central Committee room in
New Oxford Street, where Maurice presided over a large court
of promoters, some of whom I fancied, others I didn't ; they
received a third shoemakers' deputation for an association.
Thence we all walked, I coupled with Ludlow, to Maurice's
house, it being past 9 P.M., and I had a great deal of most
interesting talk with him (Ludlow), which I must also reserve,
only saying that it enormously strengthened all my previous
feeling and judgement against the system of Socialism. After
tea Gen. xxii. was read, and Ludlow and Furnival made some
critical remarks. Maurice said but little — of course there was
good in it — but nothing particular. The next morning I went
alone to Maurice's, and breakfasted quietly, no one being
there but Mrs. Maurice (who was miserably ill, so that I could
not judge much of her), a sort of governess, and his second
boy (the eldest was gone to his day school), a most dear little
fellow, who made great friends with me. I had much interest-
156 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
ing talk with him, and still more as I half-walked half-cabbed
with him to Harley Street, where he was going to Queen's
College. Cambridge, Plato, etc., and the ecclesiastical horizon
were our chief topics. Much that he said, on the last especi
ally, will be interesting to you, but I must most reluctantly
postpone it. He parted from me in the most cordial way. I
then went to the Academy Exhibition, and spent some three
hours there ; thence joined Macmillan at the sale, and finally
dined and returned to Cambridge. I know I had much more
to say besides what I have reserved, but I cannot at this
moment remember what.
To THE REV. JOHN ELLERTON
NEWLAND, June 30^, 1850.
. . . What an unspeakable loss we have sustained in
poor Sir R. Peel ! It is very gratifying to see that the regret
seems universal; I am sure, however, that his death was a
necessary step to a new order of things. Gladstone is
evidently not unconscious of his own position. His tone, and
Lord John's to him, in the Foreign Affairs debate showed
this ; so also the Dublin Mail, which is very well informed
on Government affairs, said during the debate that Lord
Stanley had been down to the House of Commons and had a
long conference with Gladstone, and it was understood that
they had formed a coalition. Moreover, Stanley has deserted
the Protectionist squallers ; but I sincerely hope that Gladstone
will not consent merely to head a party of Conservatives such
as they were before Peel Liberalised them.
I hope you are reading David Copperfield ; it is very
beautiful.
But I must tell you something of my present locality.
You perhaps know that the upper part of the district between
the Wye and Severn is a small coal basin (though elevated
ground) called the Forest of the Dean, and is royal property
above ground. The course of the Wye below Ross to
Chepstow lies along a range of mountain limestone, forming
beautiful wooded hills, sometimes in cliffs and nearly always
AGE 22 CAMBRIDGE: UNDERGRADUA'
steep. At Monmouth, where a more level country opens into
Herefordshire, disclosing a view of the distant Brecon moun
tains, the Wye begins to run nearly due south, through hills of
endless variety, but never interrupted by depressions. Our
village is on the map about two miles and a half from Mon
mouth (by road four and a half) ; exactly south-east of that
town, but lying in Gloucestershire, about a mile and a half
from the Wye ; I believe we are on Millstone grit, but there
is limestone all round. We have the deepest and most
beautiful wooded undulations, but less romantic than those
close to the Wye. We are some two or three miles from the
Forest, most of which is richly timbered, but we have seen
very little of it. The drive to Chepstow is magnificent.
Tintern is very beautiful, but disappointed me ; it seems all
late Early English, but all the large windows are utterly
gutted (I fancy, by Cromwell) except the west. Of course I
have plenty to do in the way of plants, especially my favorite
Rubi. Our village was called in Elizabeth's time ' the aristo-
cratickal village of Newland,' and there are now more gentle
men's houses than others in the village, but the parish
embraces a vast part of the Forest. Our church is a big late
Perpendicular building, with countless vile changes and addi
tions, but having a respectable tower ; it looks well in its noble
situation.
The following letter has reference to the sufferings,
physical and mental, of a friend, and may illustrate
some characteristics of the writer, without knowledge of
the particular circumstances : —
To A FRIEND
CAMBRIDGE, 1850.
I scarcely know what to write to you, feeling how com
pletely you must be occupied with the accounts of poor — — .
Yet painfully harassing as this protracted duration of suffering
cannot but be, we cannot — at least we ought not — to forget
how often such sufferings are medicinal in all their bitterness,
1 58 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
and are turned into blessed instruments of softening and
purifying. Even the words in -- 's letter of " more comfort
of mind, as well as body," without attaching to them too much
significance, do yet, I think, seem to support a strong hope
that it is even so in this case. A mind disappointed and ill
at ease with itself cannot pass through such fires uninfluenced
the one way or the other ; if it be not driven in upon itself
with tenfold bitterness swelling almost to madness, it must
be suffering its dross to be purged away and approaching a
more peaceful and happy state. But the truer and deeper the
improvement, the less noise and outward trumpeting of it
shall we hear ; we must be content with any chance intimation
of the improvement that may reach us, — here a little sign,
and there a little sign. And even if we hear none at all, and
can perceive from a distance no stirring of a genuine life,
still we have no right — nay, we should be presumptuous and
impious — to infer that there is no life there. I do not know
what your experience in this matter is, but hardly a month
passes without showing me how blind even the keenest-sighted
of such judgements are. It is hardest to think well where there
is manifest hypocrisy ; yet even there our uncharitable thoughts
are often rebuked. But how much more reason have we to
hope, where there is an outward crust of hardness, that there
may be a well of life springing within ! There may be a long
and weary strife, but remembering Who it is that is even now
fighting, and that He is stronger than the devil (hard as it is
to remember), how dare we despair of the victory? And
then — the last enemy that shall be overcome is Death.
To THE REV. JOHN ELLERTON
WESTFIELD HOUSE, WESTON ROAD, BATH,
July zyd, 1850 [finished July
... I hope you will be able to see the Exhibition before
it closes. E. Landseer's large picture is a total failure;
only individual details are good. His 'Good Doggie'
is excellent, and nothing more of his. As I have the
Catalogue by me, it may save you some time if I mention
a few of those, as far as I can remember them, which
CAMBRIDGE: UNDERGRADUATE LIFE 159
struck me most. Creswick's ' Wind on Shore ' is excellent.
Frost's 'Disarming of Cupid' and Pickersgill's 'Samson
Betrayed ' are tolerable in a style that is bad unless first-rate ;
the former is too lady's-maid-ish. Stanfield's ' Macbeth,'
the best in the Exhibition, and the only imaginative picture
of his that I have ever seen ; a true natural mountain scene
on a lowering day, the figures very (rightly) subordinate.
Turner's three or four I hadn't time to try to see in the
crowd, but think they would repay a week or two's study;
they consist chiefly of effused Seville orange pulp. . . . The
'Water-Colours' are rather poor. Gastineau's are, I think,
the best, though some of Copley Fielding's quite rival his ; but
I own I care little for any of them. Some of, I think, Fripp's
would amuse you as miracles of colouring in a passion.1 . . .
Well, I must now try to recall some of Maurice's conversation
when I was in London. He spoke of the University Com
mission as capable of doing some good, and laught at Prince
Albert having aught to say to it ; hoped they might hit upon
some plan for allowing fellows or, at all events, tutors to
marry, on the ground of the vast good an improved female
society would do in the University. ... He asked what was
the state of things in Cambridge ? I told him we were clogged
and deadened by Via Mediaism. " In short, Eclecticism ? " he
askt. ' Yes,' I said ; ' it had, however, one advantage ; we
were nearly free from party spirit.' His answer was, " I am
sure that is anything but a healthy sign among young men.
It is just the same at Oxford ; all is stagnant and dead." I
said, ' I fancied there had been something stirring in dough's
line.' ' No, he thought not ; there might be infidelity in
plenty, but if so it was passive, ' stagnant ' infidelity. The only
strong feeling he saw there was a general discontent of the
younger men with everything, the University, and above all,
with the apathy of the higher Dons.' He talked a good deal
of Crete's account of Socrates and the Sophists, especially his
vindication (?) of the latter, agreeing with his facts, but think
ing that they were precisely to be condemned for what Grote
praised them for, viz. especially their aim to make the young
1 These notes on pictures are selected from a long list of similar
criticisms.
160 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
men clever and powerful by persuasion. He expatiated most
lovingly on Socrates as the Athenian of Athenians, the man
who above all others threw himself into the feelings and
cravings of his age, especially of its young men ; and dwelt on
the fact that, so far from being the sublimely abstracted and
denationalized sage of Grote, he could not have been so
mighty for all future ages and nations had he not been the
man of his own age and nation.
He did not talk much of the Gorham question, but hoped
the Bishops might do something good ; he seemed chiefly
pained and disappointed at what he called the want of con
fidence of the High Churchmen in their own principle, the
feeling they seemed to have that the truth was made more
true or false by decisions of synods or judgements of courts.
He spoke in very high terms of Thompson as a * solid, sub
stantial man,' and seemed greatly delighted at Whewell's
having lately declared him to be the most valuable man in
Cambridge. Hardly a word past on Socialism.
I am afraid I have forgotten several subjects, but in one
especially you will be interested. Altho' you have said
nothing, I have had a feeling that you fully shared with me the
consciousness of how much reflexion was rendered necessary
by the three or four last pages of his anonymous pamphlet on
the Gorham case, — I mean where he contemplates a secession
in case the Government and Evangelicals should succeed in
altering the Baptismal Services. I had been much perplext to
discover the right course in such a case, and had been inclined
to think that lay communion was the only right thing, as it
seemed schismatical to leave the body of the Church because
it had abolisht one of its former doctrines. I was determined,
as I went with Maurice from his house to Harley Street, to
sound him well, and get him to remove this objection if pos
sible. Of course I did it very gently and cautiously, lest he
should think I was hot-headedly agog for secession and a
Mons Sacer, nor did I allude to the pamphlet. I spoke of the
gloomy prospect, should the Evangelicals carry on their pre
sent victory so as to alter the Services. He trusted God
would spare us such a trial. I assented, but urged that it was
a more than possible contingency. This he allowed, but
CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE 161
exprest an opinion that there was dormant in the middle
classes a most strong feeling which would resist a proclama
tion that their children were Sons of the Devil. I trusted it
might be so, but said that surely such a feeling was not now
active, and that it would require such a preliminary event as
the alteration of the Services to rouse the feeling into life, and
that nothing but experience would show them what the denial
of Baptism involved. To this he assented. I said that, if so,
this middle-class resistance would avail but little, in the first
instance, to ward off the calamity. What did he think we
should be bound to do in such a case ? He at last (the whole
was reluctant, evidently from the fear I have already mentioned,
manifested in the pamphlet) said he feared we must give up the
emoluments of the Church. I said that was not what I was
thinking of, but I felt it hard to decide whether or not it were
schism so to leave the body. He said that undoubtedly to
cut oneself off would be schism ; that he had always contended
that the act must be our adversaries', not our own (this he had
already more than once repeated). Then, I supposed, he con
sidered the alteration of the Services as such a schismatical act ?
" Doubtless," he said ; " it would be declaring themselves held
together not by sacraments but opinions." "Then," I said,
" if I understand you right, you think that by such an act they
would be voluntarily cutting themselves off from the body
of the Church, and declaring themselves to be only a sect,
inasmuch as they would be professing that the ground of their
communion was not union in the body of Christ, but the
accident of their holding intellectually the same opinions."
" Exactly," was his answer. (I cannot be sure of the words ;
the sense I have given correctly). Much subsequent reflexion
has convinced me that his view is right, and that by such an
act the Establishment would float off on its own raft, leaving
us standing as before on the rock of our old Catholic ground.
I wish I could remember well my very interesting conversa
tion with Ludlow as we walked from the Central Association
Office in New Oxford Street to Maurice's house. I can recall
but two or three points. I remember saying, "Then you
regard the relation of employer to employed as essentially evil,
and would do your utmost to destroy it altogether?" "Certainly
VOL. I M
1 62 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
I object altogether to the relation of master and hired servant,
for this reason, that the hire or wages will always be dependent
on the rate of wages in the market." "But supposing the
amount of wages in any case not to depend on the market rate?"
" I cannot entertain such a supposition, because wages always
must be regulated by the market rate." I prest him no further
here, being quite satisfied at having made a profest assailer of
political economy doctrines entirely rest his support of one of
the main elements of Socialism upon an assumed axiom of
political economy, which goes on the assumption that selfish
ness is the law of men's actions ! Again, I urged that I fully
adopted the Christian principle of co-operation, but repudiated
the Socialistic scheme as substituting a mechanical for a moral
co-operation ; that I thought a real fellow-working was chiefly,
if not only, possible under the old so-called 'competitive'
machinery. To this he replied that practically, as men are
selfish, mutual assistance and co-operation, springing from
merely moral motives instead of from machinery, are impos
sible. Another strange confession ! Further, I asked him
whether he wished to carry out the machinery to the utmost
and universally. " Doubtless." " Then have you thought of the
time when individual tradesmen shall have been swallowed up
into a number of trading associations ? Will there not then
be a competition between rival associations infinitely more
terrible and crushing than the present competition of indivi
duals ? or how will you be able to blend the associations ? "
" That," said he, " is the rock ahead of Christian Socialism.
I do not see my way at all through those difficulties ; only,
feeling sure that we are on the right way, I trust that, when
the time comes, we shall be guided to what is right." He
further added that Co-operation was not intended to stand
alone without Exchange, and that the latter principle would
remove some of these difficulties. " Exchange ! " I exclaimed ;
" that is quite new to me. I never heard before of Exchange
in connexion with Socialism ; that is an element so totally new
and important, that I must take time to think about it."
" Why ! we always look on Exchange as essential to Co-opera
tion." He then turned round to A. Macmillan, who was
walking behind with Furnival, and shouted, " Macmillan, have
CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE 163
you never told Hort about the principle of Exchange in con
nexion with Socialism ? " " No," he shouted back, " I don't
know anything about it, and I don't want ; Socialism is enough
for me ! " Ludlow laughed, but by this time we were more
than half down Queen's Square, and the conversation ceased.
One or two more things. Some one said that Kingsley either
had just had, or was just going to have, a long controversial
correspondence on the subject with J. S. Mill. Maurice told
me that he heard that throughout the manufacturing districts
the men were beginning to find that machinery (material) was
really their friend, and that its seeming injuries must be re
butted by changes in the relations of employment. Mrs.
Maurice told me that of the many poor needlewomen who
had been to her to be examined, not above three or four were
even tolerable workers. I wish much to hear more about this
* Exchange,' but shall not, I suppose, till Chevallier's lectures
are published ; at present it seems to me negative to the idea
of Socialism. I have never yet been able to ascertain from
any of you wherein the Socialistic part, i.e. the machinery of
' Christian Socialism,' differs from that of other Socialism ;
the moral principle of co-operation I fully recognise, but think
that Maurice makes his definition deceptive and arbitrary by
including it. I told them at the Office that they must con
sider me as a spy in the enemy's camp. Furnival protested
that this was not true, and that, as I allowed their ' principle,'
I was really a * Christian Socialist ' ; doubtless I fall under
Maurice's verbal definition, but utterly repudiate the name, as
I am not what you all understand by it.
This letter has been kept shamefully long ; I was at Bath
all last week. Sunday evening and Monday I was tortured
with toothache, and nearly maddened on Tuesday, so I went
in all speed to Cheltenham and had the offender extracted,
returning to-day (July 3ist) to Newland. I am sorry to see
the Exhibition is closed already. I have not yet seen Words
worth's new poem. I observe the new Christian Observer
has a review of Kingsley's Sermons. How magnificent and
humiliating Carlyle's ' Hudson's Statue ' is ! I have not yet
been able to get hold of either the June or July Pendennis.
Well, I am getting sleepy, so will say good-night.J
164 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
To THE REV. JOHN ELLERTON
WESTON-SUPER-MARE, September i2th, 1850.
... I have got Emerson's last book, but only dipt; his
remarks on Plato seemed acute taken singly, but I thought his
whole idea of him absolutely false ; he seemed to try to make
out the most €7xre/3?js of the antients to be an atheist like unto
himself. As for Maurice writing in the Leader, Ch. Words
worth is about as likely ; even Open Council is not much
in his way. The letter on Queen's College is indeed wonder
ful and valuable ; I wish he oftener spoke out in like manner.
Ludlow's in Fraser was very inferior, tho' good. I forget
whether I ever recommended to you Massingberd's pamphlet
on W. Goode's publication of P. Martyr's letter. It is most
excellent and of great permanent value, as showing the real
behaviour of Cranmer, etc., as to Baptism ; I need not say it
is at once charitable and most hearty. I gave up the Hulsean
because the necessary reading was impracticable — even had I
been at Cambridge ; and I could not carry down a library into
the country. The Burney * subject is, ' The unity of design
displayed in the successive dispensations of religion recorded
in Scripture, as an argument for the truth of Revelation.' I
have written a few pages, expanding the passage quoted pp.
21, 22 of Maurice's letter on revelation, general to all mankind,
as well as special (as in the Bible) to the Jews and Christian
Church ; then I am about asking what kinds of revelation
demand an unity ; not the mere teaching of practical sagacity,
nor the Paleyan notion of future rewards and punishments ;
but that we cannot give an answer about the higher wisdom
(whether a revelation of that demands an unity) till we find
what is its object, Truth; in short, that what gives all its
unity to Revelation is that its central subject is the Being of
God. I then hope to trace the development of this revelation
through the 'dispensations' of the Bible, showing how all
is connected with the gradual disclosure of the full Name of
God. I am writing very soberly, but fear I shall be too
philosophical in language for them.
I am not going in for the Fellowship.
1 The Burney prize is for a theological essay, and is open to graduates.
AGE 22
CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE
i6S
The next two letters are to a friend who was per
plexed with conscientious difficulties about the marriage
of the clergy.
To A FRIEND
NEWLAND, June 1850.
... I think I can enter into your present feeling. You
fully concur, I fancy, in all that I said about the wrong of
setting for oneself a special saint-morality which will not fit
other people ; but still you feel that at all hazards, at the risk
of any conceivable inconsistency, you cannot conscientiously
do that which seems now so often to lead to sin and misery.
You find no reconciliation of this present war of your con
science and reason ; only do not assume that the reconciliation
is impossible or, at all events, impracticable for you. God
cannot be the author of anomaly, but to those who wait for
the light He will in His own way show the Harmony and
Order which He has establisht. Do not then, whatever
present appearances may be, take it for granted that God
demands of you to contravene His earliest law for man,
" It is not good for the man to be alone," but believe firmly
that His Truth cannot be shaken by all the lies of men and
devils, and that in due time He will make known to you
His Will concerning you and all men in the way which shall
seem to Him good ; and, believing this, you will not willingly
set up any theory or resolution which may hereafter blind
your eyes from discerning His ways, or clog your feet from
following them.
To THE SAME
NEWLAND, October $th, 1850.
. . . With regard to Luke xx. 27-38 and the parallel pas
sages, I merely meant that our Lord, when asked vexatious
questions by the Pharisees or Sadducees, hardly ever or
never gave them real answers, but either made expressly ad
hominem appeals, or asserted some truth which in some manner
superseded the question, or showed that there were more im-
166 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
portant ones ; thus I infer that our Lord's words here were not
meant as an answer to the Sadducees' question, as they would
have been had they been given to the disciples. At all
events I must remind you that, except by remote inference,
the verses will not support your theory, for tho' yapova-iv and
eKya/xto-Kovrat should deny that marriages are made after
death, they certainly cannot assert anything about the dissolu
tion of previously -made marriages. The passage is most
hard, nor do I expect to understand it till I can see more of
the relation of sex to the image of God. The difficulty is
greatly increased by the way in which v. 36 is made to support
v. 35. Our translators were not scholars enough to see that
they were destroying the true connexion by missing the force
of ovre yap- • • •
The 'self-anatomy' you speak of may surely be either
good or evil; to be free from it altogether, as is the case
with many of the noblest women, is no doubt a blessing,
and suited to their nature. I much doubt whether it be
the same with men ; a more distinct introspection of our
own motives and feelings seems natural to us, and we are
likely to go wrong without it. On the other hand, it is apt to
become a dangerous and 'morbid trick,' when its predomi
nance makes the judgement chiefly analytical ; then we come
practically to look upon ourselves as a collection of wheels
and springs, moved mechanically by 'motives,' and we are
suspicious and jealous of ourselves in a way the reverse of true
Christian humility and watchfulness, misinterpreting our best
and noblest impulses either by persuading ourselves that they
are merely imaginary, or by resolving them into corrupt
wishes. We then act in the same way towards others, especi
ally those who may be in, or may be brought into, any near
relation to ourselves, mistrusting in them all that is not com
prehensible. Yet I doubt not that self-anatomy is in some
form needful to deliver us from carnal delusions ; and wisely-
tempered self-consciousness, if it has its miseries, may also
.bring blessings unspeakable both on ourselves and on those
who have it not. True knowledge is neither of parts nor of
wholes exclusively, but of each in each. And they must be
very peculiar and miserable circumstances indeed that can
CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE 167
ever make blindness a blessing or a thing to be desired ; kv Se
</>aet KOL oXecro-ov is of universal application. Hence the
venerable fancy of making Love blind always seems to me
rather a half-falsehood than a half-truth. It suits the Panthe
istic leaven now spread everywhere to picture God as tolerant
of evil, sorry for it, but too much averse to giving pain to use
stern remedies for its extirpation, and this, forsooth, because
He is Love ! Yet surely He whose love is best exprest in the
sacrifice of His Son must, by the very force of His love, have
the keenest vision and the intensest hatred of any, even the
least spot of sin in the children whom He loves. . . . Again,
tho' in the picture you have drawn 'instinct' may 'stop
short,' ' reason ' need not ' ply her office ' alone, but take the
child instinct by the hand, whose eyes may often see things
hidden from the wise and prudent. If reason, so accom
panied, find it hard to tell whether what she views be merely
' fancy's brook,' that may soon be ' waterless and dry,' or
The gift for which, all gifts above,
Him praise we, who is God, the Giver,
it may indeed be true love, yet, it would seem, it must be
so immature and imperfect thrt reason may safely ponder
whether it be advisable to let it ripen ; if so, vogue la gaftre /
if not, crushing may be a duty j but, however painful at first,
it is not likely to leave permanent rankling. I do not mean
that even the riper gift must not sometimes needs be trodden
down, but then much more than { advisableness ' is requisite ;
this, methinks, must often be God's last gracious hammer to
bruise a stubborn and flinty heart.
To THE REV. JOHN ELLERTON
CAMBRIDGE, October 2Q///, 1850.
... I send you by this post Alton Locke^ thinking you
may like to read it. Of course either of our Bepton friends
are welcome to do the same, though I am not sure that it is
the wholesomest food imaginable. During the early part I
was intensely delighted, though driven nearly to desperation
168 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, in
every other page with something which disgusted me. The
middle I was rather indifferent to, though of course much in
terested in it ; but the last six chapters left me in a most un
comfortable and annoyed state of mind. I cannot at all take
to her Ladyship, your namesake ; she is apparently intended
as a sort of female Maurice, but she only disgusts me. And all
that theology at the end, true as much of it was, seemed quite
stagnant as I read it, — so different from the burning words in
Yeast, that used to make me almost bound from the floor at
the Union. The chapter on Miracles seems a strange perver
sion of a beautiful idea of Maurice's, or of Trench's, or of
both ; but, taken by itself, as far as I understand it, it denies
miracles. And, in spite of all the talk about God, I do — I
grieve to say it — feel that the idea of Him is wholly absent
from the book, except in bits of Sandy Mackaye. The book
is pure Humamtarianism, with God as the instrument to bring
it about. But Sandy Mackaye is almost always thoroughly
delightful ; he is no mere portrait of Carlyle, but Kingsley
evidently had him in his mind all the while. You will
chuckle greatly over the Emersonian sermon. Kingsley is
cruelly unjust to Lillian. Granted that she is frivolous, she
need not be so always ; surely her type of character is a neces
sary and beautiful one, albeit not the highest by many degrees ;
and then the absurdity of that 'serene imperial Eleanore'
telling Alton that he had been in love only with her physical
beauty. Granted that the difference of their stations made
him to feel chiefly adorative admiration such as (even as
Kingsley observes) that felt by the Greek youth for the
statue, still that was not all. Surely Alton would any day
have risked his life for hers in a way he would not have done
for any other human creature, and we are assured it was a
most pure feeling. Why then give him such a pedantic joba
tion ? The book grieves me much.
The heathenish old porch in front of St. Mary's is knocked
away, and a really beautiful, though almost too elaborate, Per
pendicular doorway put in its place.
I may mention in passing that we had on Sunday night
c Plead thou my cause,' and I was raised, I verily believe, to
the tenth heaven.
CAMBRIDGE : UNDERGRADUATE LIFE 169
To THE REV. JOHN ELLERTON
CAMBRIDGE, December yd, 1850.
I did not send in for the 'Burney' after all; I
found it very hard to move on without infinitely more thought
than 'twas possible to bestow. ... At Degree Time I am to
get new rooms, second floor NevilPs Court, the first staircase
from the arches going towards the Hall; they are exactly
what I wanted.
. . . Lees of Christ's, who has been reading with Kingsley,
describes a rich scene. Maurice was there at Eversley for two
nights, and on one of them the house was attacked by burglars.
The noise made by our heroes in getting up dispersed them,
but as their dodge is to wait till inmates are sounder asleep
after the first disturbance, they resolved to sit up all night
with a light ; so there sat our dear sage in his trousers and
shirt, with his sleeves turned up ready for action. The others
had each their cigar and brandy and water, and with the
greatest difficulty got him to join them in the latter. Oh,
what would I have given to see it ?
To THE REV. JOHN ELLERTON
NEWLAND, Christmas Eve, 1850.
Though this cannot reach you till the 26th or 27th, I
must not omit to send a line to wish you all the blessings of
this season of life in the midst of death. . . .
These Advent lessons and anthems do indeed, as you say,
thunder the Law and whisper the Gospel in our ears. I had
to read two Sundays ago Isa. xxvi. in Chapel. It was hard
not to make a fool of one's self; those verses, the i2th, i3th,
1 5th, i yth, culminating in the i8th, and answered by the voice
from heaven of the ipth, and then the Athanasian chant of
the 2oth and 2ist, wedding Advent to Christmas, the triumph
of judgement to the angels' song of peace and goodwill.
Well, the day of the Nativity is begun, and I must go to bed.
Have you seen Maurice's delicious letters on Education in
the Christian Socialist ? I will send the Leaders when I get
to Cambridge, which will probably be in a fortnight.
CHAPTER IV
CAMBRIDGE: GRADUATE LIFE
1851-1857. Age 22-29.
THE year 1851 saw the introduction at Cambridge of
the ' new Triposes ' in Moral and in Natural Sciences,
for both of which Hort entered, and in each of which
he was placed in the First Class ; in the former he
obtained the Moral Philosophy prize, and in the latter
he was 'distinguished in Physiology and Botany.'
The examinations themselves were severe ; in each
there were set, on one of the days, two papers of four
hours each, and there was an interval of only a few
weeks between the Triposes. Nor were these his only
examinations in the year ; he competed in October
for a fellowship, and, four days after the conclusion
of that ordeal, entered on the Voluntary Theological
Examination. His own letters give sufficient account
of the scope of the new Triposes, as also of his com
parative failure in the fellowship examination. The
amount of reading got through in this and the pre
ceding year must have been enormous. Yet he found
time to attend the meetings of various societies, and
in June joined the mysterious company of the
' Apostles.' The first paper which he contributed
was on the subject ' Might is Right,' in defence of
CHAP.
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
Carlyle. The titles of other papers read by him
were : ' Can Pope teach our young poets to sing ? ' (a
criticism of a dictum of C. Kingsley) ; * Is government
an evil ? ' (a defence of authority) ; * Must the giants
live apart ? ' (on a saying of Thackeray) ; * Is irony
less true than matter of fact ? ' * Is wealth the founda
tion of rank ? ' ' Should all honours be given to the
horrible ? ' ' Can anything be proved by Logic ? '
Most of these were not so much essays as challenges
to discussion, couched in a paradoxical form. He
remained always a grateful and loyal member of the
secret Club, which has now become famous for the
number of distinguished men who have belonged to it.
In his time the Club was in a manner reinvigorated,
and he was mainly responsible for the wording of the
oath which binds the members to a conspiracy of silence.
Mr. Vernon Lushington remembers that at the Apostles'
meetings he considered Hort "the most remarkable
figure of our time," and that he " always spoke very
seriously on these occasions." That he considered his
membership as a great responsibility is shown by the
fact that, before consenting to join, he asked Maurice's
advice.1
Two other societies of widely different aims were
started in this same year, in both of which Hort
seems to have been the moving spirit ; one a small
club formed for the practice of choral music, the
other called by its members the ' Ghostly Guild/
1 A good account of the Club, whose proper name is the ' Cam
bridge Conversazione Society,' is given in Mr. Leslie Stephen's Life oj
Sir J. Fitzjames Stephen (pp. 99 foil.); he refers to a historical article
by Mr. W. D. Christie in Macmillarfs Magazine for November 1864.
A description of it was given recently by the late Hon. Roden Noel in
the New Review. This paper contained some very inaccurate statements
about Hort, for which Mr. Roden Noel afterwards expressed his regret.
172 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP.
the object of which was to collect and classify authen
ticated instances of what are now called * psychical
phenomena/ for which purpose an elaborate schedule
of questions was issued. The ' Bogie Club/ as scoffers
called it, aroused a certain amount of derision, and
even some alarm ; it was apparently born too soon.
A Shakespeare Society must also be added to the
list ; and, as Hort's attendance at meetings of these
various kinds seems from his journal to have been
regular, one finds little difficulty in believing that
work must sometimes have been driven into very
unconventional hours. At this time, if not earlier,
began the habit of sitting up far into the night, a
habit for which his friends continually rebuked him,
which left permanent ill effects on his health, and
which he afterwards bitterly regretted. He never
spoke of it but to point a warning. On one occasion
he went to sleep in the small hours over his books,
and his ' Facciolati ' caught fire from a candle ; the
consequences were within a little of being serious.
His friends, coming in to see him in the morning, were
often confronted with a notice bidding his bedmaker
not to call him till mid-day.
In politics the movement which most interested him
at this time was ' Christian Socialism ' ; the subject was
debated at the Union, and he was chiefly responsible
for an amendment (which was carried) ' condemning the
substitution of Socialism for the present trade while
allowing possible benefit from single associations.'
The Christian Socialist newspaper he read regularly,
and contributed to it in October 1851 an interesting
' Prayer for Landlords ' of the sixteenth century, which
he had discovered in Professor Blunt's History of
the Reformation. About the same time there was
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
great excitement in Cambridge on the subject of
* Papal Aggression,' and an indignation meeting at
the Union approved Lord John Russell's conduct.
Hort was strongly opposed to the whole agitation.
A few months later he rejoiced in the fall of Lord
John Russell's ministry. The future of the Irish
Church was a subject much in his mind, and the
duties of the English Church towards it. In January
1852, when he was under twenty-four years of age,
he wrote a letter to a friend suggesting what he con
sidered the right course for the English bishops to
take ; this letter was shown to the Bishop of Oxford
(S. Wilberforce), and drew from him a careful and
courteous answer.
Among the notable experiences of 1851 were the
Great Exhibition, hearing the * Elijah ' at Exeter
Hall and two operas at Covent Garden, and Thack
eray's Lectures on the English Humorists at Cam
bridge. In the summer Hort saw much of Maurice,
and was introduced by him to Archdeacon Hare. At
Cambridge he gained a new and abiding friendship,
that of Henry Bradshaw, who, as well as Mr. B. F.
Westcott and Mr. G. M. Gorham, belonged to the
Choral Society ; another musical friend was Mr. R.
B. Litchfield, and he saw much also of George
Brimley, whose acute intellect he warmly appreciated ;
and of Mr. W. Mathews, his companion a few years
later in many Alpine excursions. The history of his
friendship with Charles Kingsley may be gleaned
from the long and interesting letter written to him on
24th February in the brief interval between two Tripos
examinations. A few days of the long vacation were
spent in an excursion to Newport (Monmouth), Caer-
leon, etc., in company with Mr. Babington and mem-
174 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP.
bers of the Archaeological Institute. He reviewed,
besides other botanical books, the third edition of
Babington's British Flora in the Annals of Botany ',
and in the Guardian Mr. Westcott's first publication
on the Elements of a Gospel Harmony. The latter
notice concludes with the words : " We trust that
this will not be Mr. Westcott's last contribution to our
stock of exegetical divinity."
In one of the latest letters of 1851 will be
observed what are, perhaps, the first signs of interest
in the text of the Greek Testament, the subject which
was to claim his chief attention for little less than
thirty years.
The year 1852 was for the most part quietly spent
in reading at Cambridge, from which he seems not to
have been absent for more than three weeks at a time
all the year. His only holidays, except short botanical
excursions, were visits to his father's new home at
Chepstow ; to Mr. Gerald Blunt, now married and settled
at his first curacy ; and . to London for the annual
Apostles' dinner, where he met a distinguished Apostle
of an earlier generation, W. Monckton Milnes (after
wards Lord Houghton), with whom he breakfasted next
morning.
Success in the Fellowship examination could hardly
be doubtful after his performance the year before. The
others elected were C. Schreiber, W. J. Beamont, and
J. B. Lightfoot, the first two of whom had been placed
second and third (bracketed with Hort) respectively in
the Classical Tripos of 1850. At the customary
* Fellowship Dinner ' to celebrate his election Hort
entertained W. G. Clark, E. A. Scott, C. B. Scott,
A. A. Vansittart, G. Brimley, W. W. Howard, H. W.
Watson, C. Schreiber, J. B. Lightfoot, H. M. Butler,
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
G. V. Yool, G. M. Gorham, J. D. Williams, F. V.
Hawkins, H. Bradshaw, and W. D. Freshfield.
Besides work for the Fellowship examination, Hort
spent much time over an essay for the Hulsean Prize
on the ' Evidences of Christianity as exhibited in the
writings of the early Apologists down to Augustine
inclusively.' He had meant if successful to work up
his essay into a book.1 On its original scope he wrote
as follows in a letter to the Rev. W. Cureton, asking
for information about early apologetic literature con
tained in unpublished manuscripts in the British
Museum : —
Half the essay, according to my plan, is to consist of a
critical and historical account of the different Apologies, in
the widest sense of the word, containing original abstracts,
with occasional extracts, of the extant works, translations of all
the more important fragments, all the particulars that I can
glean respecting lost works, and in each case such biographical
details as may illustrate and enliven the subject, — the whole
being set in a continuous brief narrative of the persecutions
and other outward occasions of Apologies, and of the suc
cessive relations in which Paganism and Judaism stood to the
Christian Church and vice versa. This is an ambitious scheme,
too large to carry out altogether in the first instance . . .
but Jmy idea is to treat the ante-Eusebian period in the way
described as fully as I can, and give a much slighter and more
superficial account of the second period. It is not likely that
any one else will follow so elaborate a plan, and therefore I
may have a reasonable chance of success ; in that event I
should wish to complete the second period on the same scale
as the first before publication.
1 The MS. of this essay is still extant, and, being found to contain
valuable matter of permanent interest, is likely to be (in part) reproduced ;
it is in the hands of Prof. Armitage Robinson.
One of Hort's earliest articles in \hejoumal of Classical and Sacred
Philology, that on the Date of Justin Martyr, was an expansion of a note
made for the same essay.
i;6 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP.
Maurice, who was delighted with the Introduction,
wrote to Hort about his essay as follows : —
You must think again of your division of heresies. I do
not say that it is wrong, but it requires a good deal of reflection
before you put it forth even roughly. I should be disposed
a little to expand what you have said about internal and
external evidence ; it is a point which requires so much clear
ing to make people aware of your meaning. You are on the
right tack, I am convinced. The external evidences of the
last century substituted Nature, or at best a Demiurgus, for
God. The reaction against that mischievous dogma is the
substitution of human intuitions, or at best the Reason from
which they flow, for God. The Living and True God reveals
Himself to the Reason ; that is the Mesothesis of the external
and internal. The idea of Revelation in the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries was the announcement of certain decrees,
imperative Laws enacted by God. In the nineteenth it is the
discovery of an endless flux, of which the source is in the
creature energy of man. The gospel of God concerning Him
self in His Son is, as you have happily indicated, the recon
ciliation of two ideas each of which by itself tends to Atheism
and to superstition.
The prize did not fall to Hort ; his friend J. F.
Stephen also competed unsuccessfully. Hort's defeat
was a considerable mortification ; more important, how
ever, than success or failure in this particular competition
was the impetus given, by reading the necessary books,
to his desire to devote himself to the study of ecclesias
tical history, and that on a scale very different from that
of most Church histories. The subject was not new to
him, but his ideas were now beginning to take definite
shape. The breadth of the scheme which he proposed
to himself is seen in the important letter to Ellerton of
1 4th November- 1 4th December 1852. Perhaps the
realisation of such a plan is beyond the grasp of one
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE 177
man ; perhaps also he was the one man who could
approximately have carried it out. Forty years later
the stores of various knowledge had been accumulated,
and, had he possessed greater readiness of expression,
some noble fragment of the great design might have
been given to the world.
By the end of 1852 therefore it is possible to dis
tinguish two chief lines of future study now becoming
clearer in his mind : the Text and Interpretation of
the New Testament, and Early Church History in the
widest sense. When accordingly, on becoming a
Fellow of Trinity, he settled down to work at Cam
bridge, it was with the definite conviction that a student's
life was that for which he was best fitted. To live,
however, altogether at Cambridge was never part of
his plan, nor, as will be seen, did he regard active
parochial work, to which he looked forward by and bye,
as incompatible with the pursuit of the above objects.
For the present he was content to remain at Trinity,
reading and taking pupils, and was perhaps rather freer
than before to enter into the varied intellectual life of
the University. The value of this graduate period he
always estimated highly, for the sake both of what a
graduate may then best learn, and of what he may
be in his relations with younger men.
In the October term of 1852 he was President of
the Union. Between the years 1846 and 1852 he
appears to have made twenty-four speeches at Union
debates ; he defended the Crusades, upheld the poetical
merits of Tennyson, and slighted those of Byron ; ex
pressed sympathy with the Continental * progressive '
movement of 1 848, condemned Palmerston's policy
on the Greek question (1850), approved of the prin
ciples of Carlyle's ' Latter-Day Pamphlets,' maintained
VOL. I N
178 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
the superiority of the novelists of ( this generation to
those of the last.' In questions of party politics he
spoke most often on subjects connected with Convoca
tion, the Irish Church, and colonial policy.
It may be of interest here to collect Hort's con
tributions (besides reviews) to botanical publications ;
I am indebted for the following list to an obituary
notice in the Journal of Botany for February 1893, by
Mr. G. S. Boulger, who remarks that " forty years ago
Hort might have been styled one of the rising hopes
of the Cambridge school of botanists."
In the second vol. of the Phytologist (pp. 1047-9)
appear a * Notice of a few Plants growing at Weston-
super-Mare,' and a ' Note on Centaurea nigra, var.
radiata and C. nigrescensl both bearing date November
5th, 1847, when the young undergraduate was not yet
twenty ; and in the third vol. (pp. 321-2) is a (Note on
Alsine rubra, var. media Bab./ dated ' Torquay, Sept.
27th, 1848.' In the first vol. of Henfrey's Botanical
Gazette (1849), pp. 197, 200, he has a paper 'On
Viola sylvatica and caninaj and in the second vol.
(1850), pp. I, 2, a ' Notice on Potamogeton fluitans Roth
and Ulex Gallii Planch.'
In 1851 he found time to publish, in the third vol.
of the Botanical Gazette (pp. 15-17) a note 'On
Euphorbia stricta and platyphyllal and in the same
volume (pp. 155-7) appears a 'Note on Athyrium
filix-femina, var. latifolium? dated November I2th,
1851, which was reprinted in the PUytologist, vol. iv.
pp. 440-2. To this year also belongs his paper ' On
a supposed new Species of Rubus* (Rubus imbricatus
Hort), which appeared in the Annals and Magazine of
Natural History of the Botanical Society of Edinburgh
(vol. iv. pp. 1 1 3-6), to which it had been communi-
AGE 22
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
179
cated. In the fourth vol. of the Phytologist (1852),
pp. 640-1, is a note by him on the 'Occurrence of
Orobanche ccerulea Vill. and Aconitum Napellus L. in
Monmouthshire,' dated July 2ist, 1852 ; and a 'Note
on the Third Volume of Mr. H. C. Watson's Cybele
Britannica^ frankly corrected some blunders that had
found their way into that work from his own list of
Weston-super-Mare plants. He appears in Topo
graphical Botany as a correspondent of Watson's from
no less than eleven vice-counties, viz. North Somerset,
East and West Gloucester, Monmouth, Merioneth,
Carnarvon, North Lancashire and Westmoreland,
Cumberland, Durham, West Suffolk, and Cambridge.
His Cambridge friend and contemporary, the Rev.
W. W. Newbould, used always to speak of Hort's
abandonment of botany in favour of biblical studies
in much the same manner as Watson regretted that
Edward Forbes' " attention had been drawn from
botany to the more showy studies, in which he became
eminent."
To HIS MOTHER
CAMBRIDGE, February $rd, 1851.
My dearest Mother — I hope you will forgive me if you find
me brief and stupid to-night, for indeed I have good reason
for it, having been to-day in at two examination papers of four
hours each, which is heavy work. . . .
I am quite comfortable in my new rooms, though the floor
is still encumbered with books, as the shelves are not all right
yet, and the Tripos has kept me too busy to think of much
else. I have two windows looking north into Nevile's Court,
and one looking south into the New Court, which is very com
fortable.1 ... I am quite ashamed to let such a letter go, but
1 The rooms were in Nevile's Court, Staircase C, first floor.
i8o FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
if you knew how my ears are full of 'Springs of Human
Action,' 'Things Allowable,' 'Price,' 'Circulating Capital,'
' Rent of Land,' etc., and how dismal and dismal-making this
drizzly night is, you would be indulgent. — Ever, my dearest
mother, your affectionate son, FENTON J. A. HORT.
To THE REV. JOHN ELLERTON
CAMBRIDGE, February 7^, 1851.
My dear Ellerton — I really don't know how long I have
been silent, but I am afraid it has been some considerable
fraction of a century. I suppose it was first the theoretical
preparation for the Moral Tripos, and then the actual prepara
tion, and finally, the Tripos itself that withheld me. Whatever
it was, it was unpardonable. As I have mentioned the Tripos,
I may as well go on. It began on Monday, 9-1, with a
good paper of WheweH's, which I did very fairly ; 2-6, Pryme's
Political Economy, of which I thought myself lucky to do half,
as I had spent (irrespective of a chapter or two in the summer)
just half an hour upon it. Tuesday, 9-12, Maine, General
Jurisprudence, — a capital paper, of which I did about half;
1-4, a detestable mass of bad poetry, puns, and anecdotic
gossip, with a screed or two of absurd law, called Laws of
England. Wednesday, 9-2, History: Gibbes, corrected by
Sir J. Stephen, whereof I did about half. Yesterday, 9-2,
General Paper, nominally Holden, but each subject set by its
professor. I did all the Moral Philosophy very fully, about
half the History, and two or three scraps of the other things.
There have been but five of us in : Mackenzie and A. Wilson
of Trinity, Bruce of Jesus, and Pooley of Christ's. I don't
know when the lists will be out. I shall look for them rather
anxiously, as I hope I have a fair chance of a Whewell (Moral
Philosophy) prize. I am now going to read for the Natural
Science Tripos, which I hope I shall be much better prepared
for ; it comes on March 3rd. I have plenty of work before
me, as I mean to make a desperate effort for my Fellowship
this time, and I have to read lots for the Voluntary, Justin
Martyr, Apol. I., being the Patristic subject. Likewise there
22 CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
are the Siren voices of two essays — the Hulsean, on the
extinction of Paganism in connexion with the evidences of
Christianity, and the Members' Prize, ' Why the Reformation
got no further in Europe ' ; both alluring, especially the
former, which I should like to treat by showing how all that
Julian and Proclus, and Plotinus and Celsus, etc., could do
by piecing Paganism with what people nowadays call the
kernel of Christianity was of no avail, but only faith in the
living, dying, and risen Nazarene.
Talking of essays, Westcott is just coming out with his
Norrisian on 'The Elements of the Gospel Harmony.' I
have seen the first sheet on Inspiration, which is a wonderful
step in advance of common orthodox heresy. He has a full
catena from the Ante-Nicene Fathers on the subject. Alto
gether, I doubt not, it will be a most valuable book.
February i oth. — The scrap 1 which I sent you on Saturday
will have told you the result of the Moral Examination. It is
a bore that they have not placed us alphabetically, as they
seemed to promise, but certainly I do not deserve to be higher,
if reading is any criterion of merit, and after all it is a first
class, so I don't care, especially as I have got what I most
cared for, the Moral Philosophy prize, which I shall value in
many ways ; it is likely to get me into the Master's good graces
for a Fellowship, to say nothing of ^"15 worth of books, which
thing is not to be despised.
Now to turn to your letter, I don't know whether to feel
comfort or pain at your ' difficulty of speaking to the poor as
you ought to speak,' — I mean, as regards myself. I always
fancy, whenever I think about the matter, that I shall never be
able to get out anything but commonplaces. And, tho' it
is something of a melancholy satisfaction to find that I am not
alone in this respect, it is not very favorable to the hope I
have felt that, when the time actually came, the difficulty would
vanish. But of one thing I am sure, that the more we seek
to be but God's spokesmen, and not to dwell on our own
thoughts, the more will our lips be opened. You will remem-
1 Moral Sciences Tripos, 1851. First class. — Ds. Mackenzie, Trin. ;
* Wilson, A., Trin. ; Bruce, Hon. T. C., Jesus; *Hort, Trin. (* Moral
Philosophy prizemen.)
1 82 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
ber how Maurice dwells on the four Gospels as pre-eminently
setting forth the ministerial office even more than the Chris
tian life ; and there is no more perplexing or more valuable
precept than that to the Apostles to take no thought what they
should speak, for the Holy Ghost should teach them what they
should speak. Maintain a firm, live conviction that we have
the Word dwelling in us, the Word who Himself took flesh
and partook of every form of sorrow, known or unknown to
us, and His sympathy will become ours, and we shall be able
to use the strength which He won in subduing all His enemies
by the word of our mouths.
Thank you much for your note received this day, Feb
ruary 1 3th. I may as well mention that I got 96 out of 100
marks for the Master's paper. Holden and Gibbes wanted to
place me second, but the Master (very justly) contended that
the order must be not by merit but by marks. They are all
enthusiastic in our praise ; say we should be thoroughly First
Class in any such examinations, most agreeably surprized
them, etc.
I have just struck up a most delightful acquaintance with
Lees of Christ's, who has been Kingsley's pupil for some
months. But this and heaps more that I want to say I really
must defer.
To HIS MOTHER
CAMBRIDGE, February itfh, 1851.
. . . Thank you all for your congratulations. There is no
limitation about the prize. Whewell sent for me on Monday
and paid me the money ; he was remarkably gracious (I should
mention that this is the first time I have come personally in
contact with him), and asked after a Mr. Fenton Hort whom
he remembered very well ; he hoped that, if ever he were in
Cambridge again, he would call at the Lodge, as he should
be very glad to renew his acquaintance ; he also asked after
my uncle.1 I mean to get five or six volumes to bear on
their backs the University Arms, but I shall find the rest of
the money very serviceable, as I have a very large book bill,
1 Sir William Hort, Mr. Fenton Hort's elder brother.
iMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
caused partly by these very Triposes ; that is to say, reading
for them has been the occasion of my getting permanently
good and important books rather more than usual. The
same may be said of the examination itself ; independently of
the prize and honour, and still more valuable objects of
various kinds consequent thereupon, I have read and learned
much valuable matter, that would otherwise have been lost or
acquired more loosely. I only regret that I did not pursue
this advantage to anything like the same extent that I might
have done. Since I wrote, I have seen the marks given, and
heard various particulars, chiefly from Holden himself, the
'additional examiner.' They have all taken every oppor
tunity of praising us all, as having been fully up to the First
Class mark, ' so that we should have been no lower had there
been a hundred competitors ' . . . they have dwelt especially
on the 'good style,' particularly of Mackenzie and myself
(style, not so much of composition as of treatment). . . .
Holden says he does not at all understand why I was not
published as first Whewell's prizeman. All this sounds pain
fully egotistic, but I know you will be glad to hear it, and I
do not see how otherwise you can know of it. I will send
to-morrow a Cambridge Chronicle, if they print the papers in it.
I am now at work for the Natural Sciences Tripos, the
examination for which begins on Monday fortnight. I am at
present at Structural and Physiological Botany, which (reading
as I do in the highest books) is anything but child's play, and
is a region nearly new to me.
Many thanks to Kate for her letter, which I hope to answer
in two or three days. Perhaps she will be good enough to
dry a snowdrop for me, bulb and all, if possible ; it will soon
flatten down. Do they grow generally, or only near the
gardens and houses ? I do not see why they should not be
really wild in that part of England. Babington has no doubt
they are sometimes really indigenous. I wish I could see
them. Well, I must close ; love without end to you all. — Ever
your affectionate son, FENTON J. A. HORT.
The occasion of the following letter was the publica
tion by Kingsley of some remarks on the state of the
184 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
universities, the nature of which will be apparent from
Hort's criticisms thereon.
TO THE REV. C. KlNGSLEY
CAMBRIDGE, February 2$th, 1851.
My dear Mr. Kingsley — I have been so much delighted
this afternoon by the receipt of your most generous letter, that
I cannot rest till I have thanked you very heartily for it. ...
Of the state of London I can know nothing. Of that of
Oxford I thought some little while ago much as you do now,
except that I was more hopeful of future well-being by the
possibility of a sound direction being given to activities and
energies which I supposed to be really working, though in a
wild and confused way. But my somewhat vague impressions
were changed by a very interesting conversation in (I think)
October last (but possibly it was May) with Mr. Maurice (to
whom we both, I believe, owe under God nearly all the
better part of our being, and not least the desire, and in part
the power, of calling no man our master, but learning the
truth from the strangest and most dissimilar quarters). He
had been staying with Arthur Stanley at Oxford, and seemed
very desponding about the state of matters there ; all, he said,
was stagnant, and lifeless, and hopeless ; the only apparent
feeling was a vague but bitter one of distrust and dislike of
the authorities as idle pedants on the part of the younger
men. I asked if there were no outwardly infidel movement,
which gave promise of ending in a real and active faith, and
mentioned in illustration Mr. Clough's poems. 'No,' he
thought not ; there might perhaps be some infidelity, but if
there were, it was quite stagnant (that word, or one like it, was
what he dwelt mostly on) and hopeless. He then asked me
about Cambridge. I could not give a more lively account,
but observed that at least we had one great blessing, in being
free from party spirit (a blessing which I had good reason to
appreciate, having been maddened by a residence of some
years in the midst of Cheltenham) ; he much doubted this
being a healthy sign among young men. I spoke of the
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
kindred mischief of via-mediaism and a cowardly shrinking
from 'extremes' merely because they are extremes; he
assented, and lamented that this Eclecticism was equally
prevalent at Oxford. I mention this conversation in order to
show you how I came to regard stagnation as the leading
characteristic of both Universities ; only I have seldom been
able to trace discontent against superiors at Cambridge. Now
certainly I can find in your letters statements agreeable to
most of those contained in my letter to ; but I still
think that the total impression conveyed by your words is that
our curse is misdirected activity. In your last letter to the
Spectator I think you partly meet my statement by attributing
the deadness to the mass of the University, and the activity
to its leading intellects, — at least so I understand you ; but it
appears to me that all alike suffer from the general apathy,
though it shows itself in very different forms. I cannot easily
guess what description has given you of the better men
among us. That there is a vast deal of good, I thankfully
acknowledge ; it is perpetually springing up where I have
least expected it, and putting to rebuke my uncharitable
thoughts ; yet since last May I have not had one friend in
residence to whom I could open myself freely and unreservedly
without feeling that there was something cold and dark
between us, which kept us up to a certain point apart ; and
yet I know that I am not suspicious. , I think, might
become an exception, but I have not known him at all till a
few days ago. Of course it would be absurd in the extreme
for me to assume that there are no noble minds of the highest
class — noble especially as having struggled and now become
victorious — with which I am unacquainted ; still I think I can
say that from various concurrent causes I have at least as
good means of discovering such minds, in Trinity at least,
as any one here. There is one circumstance in the present
state of Trinity, and probably in a less degree of the whole
University, which not only makes such discovery very difficult,
but actually checks and confines the growth of the very highest
minds ; I mean the amount of respectable cultivation existing
in probably nearly half our number ; and yet this is so valuable
an advance upon previous inanity and brutality, that no one can
1 86 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
wish for its removal. Modern literature is extensively read in
a way that, though neither earnest nor profound, is still rather
humanizing and genial than otherwise. A ' reading man ' is
distinguished not from one who does not read, but from one
who does not read University subjects enough to obtain
moderately high honours; and the two kinds of reading
usually progress together ; so that, though there may be a few
really well-read men who do not pursue the studies of the
place, still on the whole the best scholars and mathematicians
in Trinity (in any year) are, with very few exceptions, the best
acquainted with modern literature. And theology is usually
by no means excluded from their attention, and that not in a
merely sectarian way ; so that stolid, pharisaical orthodoxy
is all but unknown among undergraduates, bachelors, and
younger masters, except in a small and inferior class. This is
of course a partial good, but it is accompanied by a fatal evil
of a peculiar kind. Enough easy and comfortable exercise is
given to men's conscience and faculties to remove the restless
ennui of perfect idleness, and still more the impatience and
rebelliousness which mere restraint and ' obscurantism '
would produce. Religious difficulties are not often, I think,
stifled, but rather met with half lazy solutions, not absolutely
untrue, but weak and imperfect. Then comes the friendly
intercourse which prevails between men of all opinions,
rubbing off many asperities, but rubbing off also, alas ! much
vigour and distinctness ; truth is seen not to be the exclusive
possession of any one party, and every question is found to
have two sides. The total result is not ignorance of the
questions which are being asked all around, but universal
trimming; the doubts, which, if treated roughly, must before
long have imperiously claimed to be heard, and ultimately
have led their victims into utter scepticism or Romanism, or
else to perfect faith, because nothing less would have satisfied
them, are judiciously humoured and coaxed away. I do not
want to deny the good that must be mixed up with all this
specious evil ; I am sure that God is daily leading many into
His truth by ways of His own that I know not ; and it cannot
be but that much is really learnt from the books which are
the main instruments of the mischief. Maurice's more popular
AGE 22 CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE 187
writings are among the most common, though I seldom see or
hear of his more profound ones, and none are really studied.
But the disheartening thing is to see so few symptoms of any
one knowing what it is to be ever craving and unsatisfied till
one has reached the very ground and bottom of a question,
and to care little for consequences in the pursuit. What is to
be the end of these things, it is not easy to predict ; you
think it will be a violent revulsion " in the direction of
Strauss, Emerson, and [Francis] Newman." It may be so, —
especially in the direction of Newman ; for the degree of
intelligence and cultivation which pervades our orthodox (if
so it can be called !) Epicurism is likely, I think, to make
our infidelity also Epicurean ; and more luxurious, complacent
hands-in-the-breeches-pocket infidelity than prevails in the
little of Newman's writings that I have read, I cannot imagine.
I could greedily devour The Nemesis of Faith every week,
but it is an irksome labour to me to get through one chapter
of The Soul. But surely the evil seed is sown in many
more effective ways than by these books, especially such a
cold laborious criticism as I take the Leben Jesu to be. If the
root of all unbelief be, as the Bible teaches us, in our selfish
and cowardly hearts, the devil will never want innumerable
direct means to plant it where it may grow most rank. I can
hardly think that the infidelity of even educated Englishmen
will be often German in its character ; nay, there seem to
be signs that not theology, but questions concerning social
relations, and, above all, that which daily more strongly
appears to me to lie at the root of all social problems, the
relation of the sexes, will be the prominent subjects of
unbelief. But indeed, if I seemed to you to doubt your
gloomy prophecies of a coming time of shattered faith,
it was merely from my bitter sense of our present awful
quiescence, of those "evils that," as Ruskin says, "vex less
and mortify more, that suck the blood though they do not
shed it, and ossify the heart though they do not torture
it." But when one thinks what tremendous responsibilities
rest on those whose feet God has in any wise set upon
the living Rock, it is yet more horrible to feel by daily
experience how every vain or unkind word and every un-
1 88 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
clean thought brings back doubts which seemed vanquished
for ever.
I must say a word or two on other points of your letters.
It is with pain I allude to our 'chapel-keeping,' knowing
how constantly I am thinking, speaking, and acting as if
it were the merest disciplinary form. But if you were to
attend our service a few times, especially in the morning and
at the more orderly end of the chapel, I think you would find
it far less ' soul-less ' than you suppose ; certainly in no other
congregation have I had at all an equal sense of united wor
ship. And I am sure that, far as the College system is from
what it ought to be, its effects are still up to a certain point
truly healthy and beneficial; and that Mr. Sewell's plan of
professors in provincial towns, however useful for disseminating
information, would be totally wanting in that which makes
Oxford and Cambridge to be even now, with all their short
comings, almost the only places of education in England;
and surely the professor's office is rather to guide students in
their studies than to teach. You allow that meddling with
machinery is ineffectual to infuse life ; but still you look to
the Commission to effect that object by compelling the Uni
versities to reform themselves. But how ? ' Reforming
themselves' in ordinary parlance means a change of machinery
ab intra instead of ab extra. But you can hardly mean this
only. You must be thinking of vital spiritual reform, yet that
is not definite enough to be a subject of outward compulsion ;
and as for the moral compulsion of the public, made wise by
the blue-books, will the public really understand the evils and
their remedies ? Do you think that the state of feeling in
any class is so much higher than it is here that our fathers
generally will scent out the true poison ? Are they not yet more
infected by it ? Will they not rather rejoice to find that their
sons are studiously reading their Latin and Greek and Mathe
matics, with literature and the newspapers and the sciences of
the new Triposes superadded, and just minding their own
bread and butter like practical, common -sense Englishmen,
and pleasing their tutors, without troubling their heads about
wild, dangerous notions in morals, theology, or politics? I
am not speaking from personal experience, or at least very
AGE 22
:AMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
slightly; but I think the state of society generally bears out
my statement. And again, supposing the compulsion existing,
if the University authorities have not life, how can they bring
it into operation ? And yet how will the public be able to get
living men to fill their places ? The best sign I have seen yet
is a strong and rapidly increasing tendency among the younger
masters to make Honours far less the object of the University
System than at present ; such a spirit can hardly fail to produce
other good fruits. There is reason to hope that much will be
done in this direction by the Syndicate now employed to revise
the University Statutes, which comprises most of the best and
most thoughtful men in the University. And the new Regius
Professor of Divinity announced yesterday approaching changes
in the now troublesome yet almost useless Voluntary Theo
logical Examination. Without such divisions as would intro
duce rivalry, we are to be distinguished (I suppose by two
alphabetical classes) into those who have really prepared them
selves for Holy Orders, and those who go in as a matter of
form.
I must hasten to conclude this long letter. I am sure you
hate receiving compliments as much as I hate paying them.
But you must allow me for this once the pleasure of telling you
how much love — even more than admiration — I owe you. I
cannot adequately thank you for all I have learnt from many
of your writings, especially from Yeast. But I think of you
rather as one that had felt and was feeling what it contains,
as a flesh-and-blood man than as an author. And so, without
seeing you, I have come to love you as a very dear friend,
even when you sometimes made me angry with you. — I know
you will excuse the freedom with which I write. — And now I
have to thank you for the offer of your friendship made on
the strength of a letter in which I misrepresent and abuse you.
You may well believe how thankfully I accept it. But I give
you warning you will find me a troublesome friend. I have
read your writings too carefully not to know how completely
we differ on some important points. In various ways I shall
be perpetually exasperating you. I am hampered and logged
every way with vanity and selfishness, and very impatient of
igo FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
corrective measures; but if you have any regard for me,
you will knock them out of me any way you think best, with
out mercy ; and if I wince and turn fractious, you must not
mind. Only do not despair of me, or cast me off. — Yours
most truly, FENTON J. A. HORT.
To HIS MOTHER
CAMBRIDGE, March 2nd, 1851.
. . . Poor old Duke ! he has enough on his hands just
now, as bona fide the Queen's Privy Councillor. It is some
thing to feel, even for a week, that we are a kingdom again,
and not a cabinet-dom ! The Queen seems to have been
acting capitally.
I do not, from your description, at all doubt the wildness
of the snowdrops ; still less of the daffodils, which occur, I
believe, in many of the really native woods of the west of
England. As I have a conscience, I won't ask Kate to dry
one. They grow in a wood at Whit well, three miles from
Cambridge, but there escaped a century ago from a garden.
Nothing is out with us yet but a few daisies and a bilious,
disgruntled - looking dandelion or two. If it will be any
pleasure to you to collect the mosses, pray do ; you need not
be afraid of my despising them. Perhaps I have seemed not
to pursue them very warmly. This is chiefly because I do
not want to get any book (no thoroughly good one exists)
which will be superseded as soon as Mr. Wilson's appears;
but, if you like, we will try what we can do with Hooker's old
descriptions, which are respectable, but have no plates.
To HIS MOTHER
Saturday Night [March Wi\> 1851.
My dearest Mother — I have not much to add to the
above.1 In Physiology I was very high — far the first. In
1 Viz. the class list of the Natural Sciences Tripos, in which Hort was
placed second in the first class (Liveing being first), with the note, ' Dis
tinguished in Physiology and Botany.'
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
Botany I did also very well, and was quite first. In Chemistry
and Mineralogy of course I got very little. Geology seems
to have been tolerably done by all, brilliantly by none. If
the paper had been a quarter of the length, it would have been
more satisfactory to all parties. Fuller says Sedgwick boasted
of having made it a * very complete ' paper, and got all
geology into it, to be written out in four hours ! We all (i.e.
all the ist class) did very well in the general paper. I was
glad to find that Fuller thinks two subjects as much as any
one can manage.
I have had a talk with Babington. He recommends what
I thought of, viz. Lindley's Ladies' Botany, Bonn's edition in
1 2 mo (mind this). He knows of no book short of a full
systematic one which would be of use to find out plants'
names by, but this seems easy and nicely done ; and Lindley's
name is enough for its scientific excellence. It takes a hedge
or common garden flower (such as a Buttercup, Poppy, or
Strawberry) in each of the principal Natural Orders by their
English as well as their Latin names, and, as it were, pulls it
to pieces before you, explaining the parts in a familiar way,
not by getting rid of the science, but by putting it in an easy
and English form ; not telling you how to put plants in the
shelves and compartments of any system invented by learned
men, but helping you to see for yourself how they are actually
related to each other in the unchangeable order of nature.
Now this, it seems to me, is of all things the most delightful
to a child. It will soon tire of the mechanical process of
counting stamens, but will always feel a burst of pleasure at
catching a glimpse of a fresh family likeness — even among
plants. Some sage people will tell you that this is putting
mysterious fancies into a child's head, and mischievously keep
ing it from the influence of 'plain common-sense.' But I
have yet to learn that it is a good thing for any one, whether
child or grown-up, to despise and cast off mysteries. . . .
I can assure you I do not forget how very much I owe both
to you and to grandmamma, whether in leading me to love
plants or in anything else. I do not grudge you any amount
of ' the credit.' If I have ever seemed to do anything of the
kind, you must not judge it too harshly. Doubtless I have
192 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, rv
sometimes done so, for what thoughts will not a hard pride
suggest? but not habitually, nor deliberately, nor, I would
hope, in my truer self. You must not measure me by what I
say, or do not say ; but I know you do not.
To MR. C. H. CHAMBERS
CAMBRIDGE, March 8/7?, 1851.
I am afraid you and I should not agree about the Papal
affair, unless the crisis, as they call it, in which our precious
Ministers got themselves a few days ago have changed your
views, as it seems to be doing those of some people. I
cannot see what right we have to molest the Romanist
bishops for taking what titles they please. Of course it is
a bore, but so are many other things. There are no new
pretensions made ; the Romanists have always claimed, as
we do, the allegiance of the whole nation, and not their own
adherents only. They would have been monstrously incon
sistent if they had not, while they claimed to be a Church and
not a sect. The real insult and grievance, if insult and
grievance there be, is the existence of such a body as the
Romish Communion in England ; but the only way I see of
redressing it is to fry every Jack man of them at Smithfield, or
— let them alone. However, 'the Provisional Government'
cannot last, and I suspect that Anti-Aggression Bills will fall
when falls the Complete Letter-writer.
To HIS MOTHER
CAMBRIDGE, March i^th, 1851.
. . . The glass house l is certainly a wonderful affair,
though, from its extreme lowness, you do not take in its size,
except by running your eye along the infinity of compartments.
One wonders where all the glass could come from. I felt a
sort of impulsive wish to put on a good strong glove and
scrunch the whole affair with a single elephantine pat. It
1 The Exhibition building.
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
looks so unsubstantial, and so like an edifice of spun sugar,
that it seems only made to be scrunched. . . .
If you can find the true Dog Violet, which has a bluer flower
with a bright yellow spur, I shall be pleased, but it is not
worth much search. It is most likely to grow at the edges of
the meadows by the banks of the Wye, between Redbrook and
Monmouth. There will probably soon be a blaze of Marsh
Marygolds all along the river. One other beautiful violet you
are pretty sure to see wherever there is limestone, that is on
most of the higher ground, including that part of the tramway,
but not in the sandy hollows. Like the sweet violet, it has
flowers springing directly from the root without any apparent
stem, but they are bluer and scentless. Their spurs are slightly
hooked instead of straight, and the hairs on the leafstalks are
spreading instead of curving downwards ; it is the Hairy
Violet. I have seen it in magnificent masses of blue on
railway embankments near Cheltenham.
I To THE REV. JOHN ELLERTON
CAMBRIDGE, March igth, 1851.
... I am just now doing that same (revelling in enjoy
ment) over Hartley Coleridge. Derwent has done him
honestly and lovingly, but too clerically, and given too few of
his letters, — about the most thoroughly delightful I ever read.
. . . Two volumes of Essays and Marginalia are to follow, and a
reprint of the Northern Worthies. The memoirs and letters
show indirectly how cruelly S. T. C. has been called an un
natural father.
To THE REV. -JOHN ELLERTON
NEWLAND, Good Friday [April i8t/i], 1851.
I called on Furnival (in town) and had a long and inter
esting chat ; he told me that Lloyd Jones was going to lecture
at 8 at Charlotte Street, where many Promoters and possibly
Maurice might be. I went and saw all, Maurice included
(who looked very ill), but of course could get no conversation,
VOL. I O
194 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
and had to leave almost immediately ; Kingsley unluckily was
not there. I am writing to Blunt to Jerusalem, as the Syrian
Mail is closed on the 2oth.
Westcott's excellent, though not faultless, book on the
Gospels is out (and with me). I have written a Review of it,
which Macmillan is going to get into the Guardian. Hardwick
has just published what seems a good History of the Articles ;
Westcott likes it much, and says he brings out well their
Lutheran and plusquam Lutheran character against the
Calvinistic bodies, especially on Justification. At his advice I
have been getting a whole heap of the Symbolical books of
all the Churches, real and so called, and am going to read
Moehler's Symbolik and Guericke's (Lutheran and anti-Prussian)
Allgemeine Symbolik, both of which he likes exceedingly.
I am sadly afraid poor Manning is gone l at last, and of
course numbers will follow.
To THE REV. JOHN ELLERTON
CAMBRIDGE, May i$tk, 1851.
. . . Vol. i. of Sir F. Palgrave's History of Normandy and
England is out, and seems very delightful, and a noble defence
of the Middle Ages.
says he is so bewildered about Socialism he scarcely
dares think of it, and is proportionately truculent and dogmatic
if I hint disparagement. He says the Guardian is thoroughly
Romish (which is almost entirely false), yet the other day,
talking of Newman, Manning, etc., he said they evidently
saw that the great movement of the day is the ( Neo-catholic '
(i.e. chiefly Oratorian) movement, and that more good could
be done by working in it than<(in any other, and that he was
by no means sure they were not right. I exclaimed indignantly
against joining oneself to a Lie, merely because it promised to
do most good ; but he only jeered at me, and asked how we
were to know what is true except by its consequence of doing
good. Truly a curious symptom of the approaching union of
Romanism and Communism, which I have been some time
expecting.
1 Viz. over to Rome.
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
To THE REV. JOHN ELLERTON
12 MARLBOROUGH STREET, BATH,
June 2.Qth, 1851.
I am anxious to see the Pre-Raphaelites, but expect
to be much annoyed. Ruskin's second letter was a remark
able one ; but the point for which he praises them, and which
is the most characteristic thing in Modern Painter -s, is just
what has been the burden of my song for six or seven years,
viz. that truth and not falsehood is the subject of art, I
suppose he means only to consider them as clumsy but
promising infants. I have just finisht all that is out of the
Stones of Venice. It is, all but the first and last chapters, a
technical account of the necessary elements, constructive and
decorative, of all possible architecture. Venice is to come in
vol. ii. Vol. i. is full of most valuable, but what many would
call dry matter ; it is not often eloquent, and frequently very
perverse, but on the whole I read it with great delight. The
fag end of a note on the Crystal Palace is excellent ; he calls
it good as a piece of human work and industry, worthless as
architecture, as being cast, and therefore bearing no impress
of human hearts and heart-directed hands. What a marvellous
tearful power Maurice's tales have ! T. Bradfoot l moves me
almost fearfully ; every line is rich too in practical wisdom.
Do have some patience with , in spite of all his
absurdities ; an Oxford ' Protestant ' and clever man, who
has just found his way into something like Catholic views, is
likely to caper away with some strange antics.
Not very long after my last letter I wrote to Maurice,
giving him my crude] impressions of the Education question,
and asking his advice, being much puzzled by his recent
effusions in the Christian Socialist. He wrote me a strange
passionate reply, which I took for a rebuke ; you shall see it
some time. . . .
I wrote a long and rather warm reply, which he answered
like himself, disclaiming any wish to censure what I had said,
1 The Experiences of Thomas Bradfoot, Schoolmaster, in the Christian
Socialist, 1851, beginning 26th April.
196 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
but saying that he 'was merely vindicating his conduct in now
deserting the 'unsatisfactory go-between' which he had
formerly (not very warmly) supported. He also says a little
about Socialism, but not to the point ; and recommends to
me Kingsley's lecture on agriculture, which (with one or two
exceptions) I liked thoroughly. Meanwhile I had (don't open
your eyes too wide !) been asked to join the ' Apostles ' ; I
declined, but after hearing a good deal which shook me,
begged time to consider. Meanwhile I wrote to Maurice for
impartial counsel, telling my objection, and his second letter
contained a P.S. which left me no alternative. He said he
' could not advise me impartially.' His ' connection with
them had moulded his character and determined the whole
course of his life ' ; he ' owed them more than he could
express in any words ; was aware of the tendency to self-
conceit and trifling which I spoke of; could not but desire
fervently that it should be counteracted by the influence and
co-operation of earnest men ; 'twas not possible therefore for
him to advise me to stand aloof from them ; believed there
must be evil attaching to every exclusive society ; the counter
acting good in this he had found very great.' Could there
be a more beautiful or delicate recommendation ? So I
joined, and attended one semi-meeting, but must tell you
more when I know more. I had written to Kingsley a few
days before, but, without acknowledging it, he wrote me a
very kind note to ask me to read Maurice's letter in the
Christian Socialist on his most painful fight with the Guardian,
and to offer to dry plants for me in Germany, whither he is
going with his father and mother. On Wednesday afternoon
I left Cambridge and then went down to Blackwall, and there
had a most pleasant (annual) dinner with the ' Apostles ' old
and new. Doune of Bury was President, and I, as junior
member, Vice - President. Maurice, Alford, Thompson, F.
Lushington, T. Taylor, James Spedding, Blakesley, Venables,
etc. etc., were there; Monckton Milnes and Trench were
unable to come. Maurice made a beautiful speech. We
drove back to Farringdon Street together on the box of the
Bus, and thence walked together as far as Holborn. In the
morning I got (late) to Lincoln's Inn Chapel, and walked up
AGE 23
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
197
with him to Queen Square, but he was engaged out to
breakfast. We talked partly of Scotch Church matters, but
chiefly about F. Robertson of Brighton, who has happily got
acquainted with him. He was as kind as possible. At noon
I started for Bath, and here I am till Wednesday or Thursday,
when we all move to town for a week to see the Exhibition, etc.
To THE REV. JOHN ELLERTON
198 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
of God. Fear generally, we were told, was the cause of most
good things, of prudence in marriage, for instance, etc. etc.
One main instance was fear when we hear a great noise in
the night, from which we might understand what is meant by
the fear of God. This morning I saw the Water-Colours, which
have some noble Copley Fieldings, and the Royal Academy,
which is very poor, one or two passable Stanfields, a capital
'Titania and Bottom' of Landseer's, and the usual Danbys,
Lees, and Creswicks. I can't make up my mind about the
Pre-Raphaelites ; they are very gaudy and precious ugly, but
the faces are more like living human faces than any I have
seen in modern pictures.
To THE REV. JOHN ELLERTON
HARDWICK, CHEPSTOW, July lot/i, 1851.
... I think I am as anxious as you are for real synodical
church government, but do not think that God has yet shown
us the right way. The other day we had a tolerable debate
on the subject at the Union, when I spoke long and strongly
in its favor, and I hope did some good; we were very
amicable, except an absurd man who got up, when Temple
spoke of ' scientific theology,' to protest solemnly against the
profanity of 'placing science on a level with theology.'
I fear you scarcely tolerate my having joined the
'Apostles/ but you must not judge too much by vague
impressions. The record book of proceedings is very
amusing; think of Maurice voting that virtue in women
proceeds more from fear than modesty ! It is a good sign
that there is always a large number of neutral votes. Some
of 's are ludicrous enough; e.g. on the question
whether we ought to follow the text of Scripture or the
discoveries of science as to the formation of the earth, etc.
He votes the latter, adding a note that he considers the
question of very little consequence, as he 'does not believe
in matter ' !
I am very glad that Browne is so fond of the young
Lutherans Guericke is a brave, genial, uncompromising
AGE 23 CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
fellow; if I have time and space, I will copy an amazing note
from his Allgemeine Symbolik. Of Stier I know very little.
Dorner's name always fills me with shame to think that
Germans should now occupy the chosen English ground of
solid dogmatic theology, and that he is the real representative
of Pearson, Bull, and Waterland. His great historical treatise
' on the Person of Christ ' is, I believe, above praise ; Wilber-
force is honest enough to acknowledge his great obligations
to it in his book on the Incarnation. I should much like to
know Morrison of Truro (who translated Kant and has lately
done Guericke's Antiquities) ; he is an ' Apostle ' and a
great friend of Thompson's. He has revised for Bohn the
American translation of Neander, and the half-dozen words
which he lets fall in propria persona here and there give me
a very high idea of him. I think I should admire the
' Elijah ' more, were I familiar with it, but that is all ; it is
admirable and very grand, but not deep or spiritual. It
exactly answers to Mendelssohn's own face, noble enough in
its way, but with none of the strange mysterious depth of poor
Beethoven's face and eyes ; and he, you know, tho' anything
but fond of yielding place to others, was never tired of setting
up Handel as unsurpassable, and chose to die with his works
piled on his bed. It seems to me that Mendelssohn is
genial and moving only in petty things, such as some of the
exquisite Lieder ohne Worte.
The authoress of Mary Barton (I forget her name) is now,
I know, on intimate terms with the Maurices, but she has
certainly been long married, and is, I think, nearer fifty than
thirty.
I must say a word or two of my breakfast with Maurice on
Tuesday week. I had some pleasant talk with him, first on
various things, and learnt that Kingsley was to come if
possible. He did come before long, and I cannot say how
charmed I was with him. The moment he came in, Maurice
tossed him a letter for him (evidently on his late sermon) ; he
read it with a curling lip, and then protested the world was
like a cur dog, which first barks and snarls at you, but, when
it finds that others do not repudiate you, comes up to you in
a patronising way and smells (here he suited the action to the
200 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
word) at you ; at which Maurice laught more than I should
have thought possible. In the middle of breakfast the Arch
deacon l and his wife came down, and very delightful was our
talk. But think of the luxury after breakfast ; thundery rain
was falling, so we four men lounged and sat round the window
talking for more than an hour. They were all very unjust to
Ruskin, of whose writings none were really au fait, and I was
unexpectedly obliged to parry some of their charges. . . . One
circumstance I shall not easily forget. All were attacking
Ruskin for not doing justice to Raffaelle's later pictures; I
suggested that this judgement was distorted by his strong disgust
for Raffaelle's later immoral life. Maurice said that he had
lately been greatly cleared, and urged that he was at all events
purer than any one round him, and dwelt on his strange posi
tion in that horrible city with his infinite capacities for enjoying
beauty ; and finally Kingsley said slowly and solemnly, "They
jest at scars who never felt a wound."
On Thursday I saw the British Institute Exhibition. It
had two or three wonderful Leonardo da Vincis (especially
the 'Vierge aux Rochers'), some capital Rembrandt and
Vandyke portraits, one or two sweet Murillos, etc. Kingsley
had urged me by all means to see the Dudley Gallery at the
Egyptian Hall, mentioning particularly the duplicate original
of Correggio's well-known Dresden * Magdalen.' So we all
went on Friday, and I never enjoyed such a feast of art ; it is
chiefly a collection by some cardinal of the early religious
Italian schools, whom, in spite of Ruskin, I was not prepared
to like. The forms were often stiff and flat, but the beauty
was inconceivably divine (I can use no other word) ; the
monkery lay very lightly upon them. I scarcely know what I
liked best. Giotto, Francia, Fra Bartolomeo, and Fra Angelico
were all wonderful. One picture by Garofalo (I don't know
his name) contained, I think, the most glorious woman's head
I ever saw ; Raffaelle could not surpass it. Then there were
some inexpressibly delightful Leonardos and J. Bellinis, a
good Titian or two, and a large very early Raffaelle. I was
just going to propose departure when I met Brimley, who
told me Kingsley and his wife would soon be there; so I
1 Hare.
AGE 23 CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE 201
began examining anew with Brimley, to whom the class of
pictures was almost as new as to me, and who was almost
equally pleased ; by and bye Kingsley came and introduced
me to his wife. It was delicious to look at such pictures with
Kingsley, and I was delighted to find that he chiefly enjoyed
the same things that I had done, as well as pointed out
others ; I had no idea how catholic he was. He showed me
in poor Fra Angelico's 'Last Judgement' the meeting in
heaven of him and his love, who died young, and on whose
death he became through grief a monk.
On Sunday afternoon I took my father and Kate to
Lincoln's Inn, where we had from Maurice the most mag
nificent (I do not say most valuable) sermon I ever heard or
read, being the last of his series on the early books of the
O. T. It was on Samuel iii. 14, the character of Eli, and
atheistical priests, and prophets raised up to testify against
the priests (with a long digression on Savonarola), and the
speaking by the mouth of a child. You can conceive his
applications to our own times ; the eloquence was marvellous,
especially when he summed up the number of ways in which
" we, the priests of the English Church, cause the offering of
the Lord to be abhorred," and prayed solemnly for the
prophets, Carlyle being evidently in his mind ; yet now I feel
it was a one-sided sermon.
To THE REV. G. M. GORHAM
HARDWICK, CHEPSTOW, September ist, 1851.
. . . The day after I left Cambridge I went down to Bath,
and was there nearly a week, and was then about a fortnight in
London, seeing the big glass toyshop and other London sights.
Unluckily I am singular in being rather disappointed with the
individual toys, grand as is the general effect. The designs
seemed to me for the most part either tame or rabid. ... At
last we came down to this house, which my father bought in the
spring ; and having been living in hired abodes for fourteen
years, — in short, ever since we left Ireland for educational
purposes, — we are most glad to get truly settled again, especi-
202 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
ally in such a beautiful neighbourhood, with all the Wye scenery
easily approachable, and Tintern within five miles. Here I
have been ' reading ' rather better than usual, but have not
done much beyond some Plato, and the Master's Philosophy of
the Inductive Sciences^ and a little Theology. However, the
Master's book is good in itself, and indispensable for Fellow
ship purposes.
Thank you much for your account of yourself and your
doings. Such things are never 'uninteresting' to me, and,
as for their being * selfish,' that they cannot be except made
so by a selfish spirit ; personal they may be, but that is quite
another matter. I am glad you have found such pleasant
and congenial quarters. If your pupil seems disposed to go
out in the Natural Tripos, by all means encourage him,
so far as you can do so without relaxing his Mathematics.
He certainly should learn Botany on the Natural System.
. . . With regard to Moral Philosophy, I asked Maurice
exactly the same question a year and a half ago. Unluckily his
letter is at Cambridge, but I will try to recall its substance.
He said he doubted whether on the whole he could improve
the ' special subjects ' marked out by Whewell ; but that, at
all events, he was convinced the right thing in all such cases
was to follow the prescribed course, and obedience would
bring its own blessing. He urged me to give the greatest
attention to the Plato and Aristotle, and to make them the
central points of my reading, and the other books subsidiary.
I did not myself go through anything like the whole course,
but read all the Plato. The Aristotle I would read, if I were
you, if possible — in Chase's translation if not in Greek ; and,
next to that, Cousin and Sanderson. I need not tell you
that Butler is always good, and the Master upon him. I
would also briefly skim Macintosh's Dissertation on Ethical
Philosophy, and perhaps Whewell's preface to it. In the quarto
Encyc. Metrop. Maurice devotes 44 pages to an account of
Modern Philosophy. It is of course valuable, but far too
brief and sketchy ; in short, with the exception of the
elaborate account and defence of the Schoolmen (evidently
written against Hampden), and a clear indication of the
progress from Locke to Kant, it is little more than a series of
AGE 23 CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE 203
hints, and not a history at all. Blackstone of course is good,
but I know next to nothing about Law. I must read Mill
more before I can judge of him. It is very hard, but very
necessary, to distinguish his own deductions and applications
from the scientific principles which he lays down. I suspect
the inconclusiveness lies in the former. — Ever, my dear
Gorham, very truly yours, FENTON J. A. HORT.
To A FRIEND
CAMBRIDGE, September 2<)th, 1851.
You have been led by God in all your past thoughts
and ways in a direction which involved most painful contra
dictions. You will not forget that the same God has brought
you in like manner out of those painful contradictions, and
has cut a knot for you which you could not cut yourself.
That the process brings bitter pain is certain, but pain is
only a secondary evil, and well is it for us if we can recognize
it as a token of our sonship. So at least am I beginning at
length in some slight degree to feel, having a thousand times
refused to listen. We can still pray with not the less energy,
"Despise not then the work of thine own hands," though
we may feel that we have misinterpreted the form for which
the work was destined. — God bless you, ever your affectionate
friend, FENTON J. A. HORT.
To HIS MOTHER
CAMBRIDGE, October loth, 1851. 9.30 A.M.
Trinity Fellowships
Rowe . . -3rd year
H. Tayler . .3rd year
Westlake . . .2nd year
Watson . . .2nd year
I needed the humbling.
204 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
To HIS MOTHER
CAMBRIDGE, October i8//£, 1851.
My dearest Mother — It seems such a time since the
Fellowship List came out that I can hardly believe I have not
long ago told you all about it. During the vacation I rather
on the whole expected to succeed, but on arriving here soon
realized that Watson's place would make him tolerably safe.
Still, though not expecting success, I should not have been
surprized by it ; and so felt some little annoyance at first, but
in an hour had forgotten all about the matter. This day
week I called on Thompson, and had an hour and a half s
talk with him, in which, of course, I learned much. He
welcomed me very cordially, and said he was anxious to tell
me what a very favourable impression I had made on the
Examiners generally, himself included ; he said that I had been
very near indeed being elected ; at one period I had actually
a majority of votes. The Master expressed very superlative
opinions about my Philosophy paper ; apparently I was most
successful in that subject, both in the specially -appropriated
paper and in the translation of Plato and Aristotle. I was
fully ahead of every one in my year (not elected), Schreiber
being second and Beamont third; and Thompson told me
that, unless I fall off woefully in the course of the year, which
he did not see the least reason to suppose, I shall be elected
as a matter of course next year. Accordingly I have received
divers anticipatory congratulations ; and I suppose, if I go in,
I shall be safe enough. This week I have had enough to do
with the (so-called) Voluntary Theological Examination, a
troublesome but not particularly difficult one. I was not so
well prepared as I could have wished, as it was no easy
matter to work much last week after emerging from the
Fellowship drudgery. However it mattered little, for the
papers were badly set, and, if I had tried ever so much, I
should have done very little more. I left very little undone,
and probably beat nineteen-twentieths of those in, but cannot
look upon it as anything more than a bothersome but neces
sary job got done with, for it is impossible to give satisfactory
AGE 23
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
205
answers to unsatisfactory questions, — at least in a long ex
amination. I have had a great enjoyment this week in
Blunt's company ; he came up on Saturday, and we have
almost lived together ; he started this morning for Brighton.
Well ! I think I have by this time said enough about my
precious self! ... I have not given you at all an equiva
lent for your delightful letter, but / have no garden to lay
out, and you would hardly care to hear how my kettle sings,
so I must say good-night. — Ever, dearest mother, your affec
tionate son, FENTON J. A. HORT.
To MR. C H. CHAMBERS
CAMBRIDGE, October igth, 1851.
Thompson expressed a wish (to me) that Mackenzie
would publish his essay. I do not know whether it is
absolutely necessary to correct and annotate it ; if not, I shall
be only too happy to correct the proofs, and help in any way
in getting it through the press.
I have very little Cambridge news to tell. Westcott has
been ordained, and [has been] doing duty in Birmingham, but
is come up for the term. The usual crowd of what Thomp
son calls 'the early Fathers' has of course brought up the
usual crowd of 'nice' young men, and chapel swarmed
to-night to overflowing with astonished surplices.
To THE REV. JOHN ELLERTON
CAMBRIDGE, October zist, 1851.
. . . Carlyle's Sterling is very fine ; if you cannot get hold
of it, I will send it as soon as Stephen returns my copy. It
is, however, very perverse — partly from its keen sight ; you
cannot imagine his bitter hatred of Coleridge, to whom he
(truly enough) ascribes the existence of ' Puseyism,' etc. etc.,
and whose influence he considers to be the one thing which
still keeps some intelligent men from abandoning the Church
and her crucified Lord and Formulae, for the ' Destinies,'
206 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
' Eternal Radiancies,' etc. etc. The picture of Sterling is
doubtless almost true, as far as it goes, and an exquisitely
beautiful one it is ; but Hare's is no less true. Many inci
dental portraitures are wonderfully done, — Sterling's mother, for
instance. Of Hare he always speaks with respect and regard,
but never strongly — " surely a man of much piety," etc. He
bestows not a single epithet on Maurice ; but the tone and the
silence is, and is meant to be, a deeper and more reverential
compliment than words could convey. Altogether I cannot
regret the publication of the book, for all the calumnies it may
generate, and the unjust impression which dear Carlyle conveys
of himself. Thank you much for Harold. I cannot express
how much I like it; its strength is marvellous. Lees, who
has been up here (as has also W. Howard, whom, alas ! I
have scarcely seen, but hope to see again in a few days), says
it was written ages ago, long before The Sainfs Tragedy.
Kingsley is getting on with his new fourth century novel Hypatia.
I doubt Kingsley's power to appreciate that age, but at all
events he will throw great light on its strange events, having
read most largely in almost unknown books. Perhaps you do
not know Hypatia's story, as told by Socrates; how, being
young, beautiful, noble, of spotless purity, and a teacher of
the so-called Platonic philosophy, she somehow incurred the
hatred of that bloody bigot Cyril of Alexandria, and how, with
his connivance, a band of fanatics pursued her to the altar,
and there tore the living flesh from her bones with oyster
shells. Have you seen Croker's attack on Maurice and
Kingsley in the new Quarterly ? Brimley wrote an excellent
answer ten days ago in the Spectator. I wish he would com
plete it with instances. I like Ruskin's pamphlet, but don't
think it has much to do with the Pre-Raphaelites. Dyce's
answer to the ' Sheepfolds ' is not bad. I have just got a nice
volume of poems by one Meredith ; * they are not deep, but
show a rare eye and ear. There is a Keatsian sensuousness
about them ; but the activity and go prevent it from being
enervating and immoral. . . .
I am going to work at Hebrew, and have likewise Modern
Painters, Bentley (the critic, not publisher), Bull, F. Newman,
1 George Meredith.
AGE 23 CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE 207
Comte's Politique Positive, and (/3o£s ITTI yA.aW# x) an article 2
on Christian Socialism on hand • satis, puto.
To HIS MOTHER
CAMBRIDGE, November yd, 1851.
My dearest Mother — I wonder whether you are hugging
the fire as affectionately at this moment as I am doing. This
is the first real frost we have had, and it has been bitterly cold
to-day, though very fine and excellent for walking.
.
CO
But still I'm all froz
From the tip of my noz
To the tips of my toz,
least I was just now, coming in from chapel through the
cold courts, till I got thawed. It is pleasant to realise that
you are able to write about out-of-door things as being really
familiar friends, after being used to eschew all acquaintance
with them (pavements, door-steps, and brick walls excepted)
in the intervals between summer and summer. To be sure it
was in a great measure the same last winter at Newland ; but
still we were too palpably there rather town mice come to visit
country mice, than genuine country mice. . . .
As you suppose, I have lost the company of many friends,
and have not made many new ones ; but still I have plenty to
walk with — Westlake, Beamont, Brimley, E. Scott, Westcott,
Babington, Mathews, etc. etc. ; and I hope to extend my
acquaintance among the younger men, especially under
graduate scholars of Trinity. My attendance at chapel varies
mostly from six or seven to ten or twelve times a week, of
which a respectable and increasing number are in the morning.
I am not reading very hard, but am not idle, having various
things on hand ; Classics, Theology, and Hebrew (which I am
beginning to take up again) are the most staple subjects, and
I have always plenty of miscellaneous reading — Politics, and
Biography, and Poetry, and all manner of things — on hand to
1 Anglice, ' Tell it not in Gath. '
2 This article was apparently not finished.
208 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
a greater or less degree. Westcott and I have started a small
chorus — Gorham, Freshfield, Howard, and Bradshaw, besides
ourselves — to meet once a week, and get Amps, the organist
of St. Andrews, and deputy organist of Trinity, an excellent
musician and master, to teach us part singing. As yet we
have only met once to try voices, and are pronounced to have
two basses and four tenors, mine being of the former ; but on
Thursday we begin regularly. Amps is to provide for the
treble and alto parts one or two boys each. We anticipate
much pleasure without much expense. They had on Saturday
a great Football Match at Rugby — old Rugbeians against
present Rugbeians; where the former, though 35 against 400,
kicked one goal and completely penned up the great host in
one part of the Close all the afternoon.
To MR. C. H. CHAMBERS
CAMBRIDGE, November 2%th> 1851.
. . . Even when long looked for, it is some time before
we realise the sharpness of a very severe blow. People may
say that must arise from the first effect being to stun ; but the
result is the same when there has been no stunning, but
conscious and intelligent acquiescence.
I can quite understand what you say about your genea
logical researches, though I have very little taste that way
myself; but I suppose it is rather undeveloped than non
existent, for not very long ago, in reading a novel (Lady Alice),
I took the trouble to make out the pedigrees and write them
on paper (being very intricate) in order to understand the
story better; and the Stemmata Ccesarum, Ptolemceorum, etc.,
in Smith's Dictionary smite me rather with respectful admira
tion than with fear and disgust.
To THE REV. JOHN ELLERTON
HARDWICK, December 22nd, 1851.
. . . There is great satisfaction in the assurance that
nothing in which God has been a guide and a worker can
AGE 23 CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE 209
truly come to an end and lack fulfilment. I cannot describe
the rest I have sometimes found in those wondrous words of
Tauler's which Trench quotes (Parables, p. 177), "Upon the
way in which we may have restored to us ' the years which the
cankerworm has eaten,' " respecting " that Now of eternity,
wherein God essentially dwells in a steadfast Now ; where is
neither anything past, neither to come; where the beginning
and the end of the whole sum of time stand present ; where,
that is, in God, all things lost are found ; how, finally, all things
that we have let go or lost we may find again, and gather up
again even in that most precious storehouse of the Lord's
Passion."
Christmas Eve. — I hoped to have gone on yesterday, but
was prevented, and as I am anxious to wish you a happy and
blessed Christmas I must be brief, for it is near virtual post
hour. I must write again to tell you of Blunt's wedding, at
which I was, as you suppose, present, to my great joy. I
don't understand what ' the fancies and speculations ' are, on
which you want ' sun and air ' to be let in, and am, indeed,
apt to be far too deeply plunged in that cloudland myself to
be very Phoebus — or Boreas — like for you to any practical
purpose. Nevertheless sprout away.
I send a scrap of Meredith, copied for you weeks and
weeks ago ; is it not sweet and perfect in itself as a song ?
Talk of Moore and Herrick ! It seems to me more like
Shakespeare's songs. Well ! to-morrow brings glad tidings of
great joy to us, as to all people ; may we rejoice in it ! God
bless you.
To THE REV. JOHN ELLERTON
HARDWICK, December zgt/i and $Qth, 1851.
. . . With regard to F. Newman, it may perhaps be well
to read his Soul, on account of his curious dread of pantheism ;
but I confess I would rather read some man of stronger mind
from the same point of view doing the same thing, i.e. trying
to construct a religion from within, i.e. from the pantheistic or
anthropocentric principle. I have looked a little at his friend
Mackay's Progress of the Intellect, an intelligent and very
VOL. I P
210 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
learned book, but horribly dull, lifeless, and dreadfully
tolerant of us poor Christians, which is a thing I can't
abide. (This reminds me of a story Stephen told me.
Some Whig was remonstrating with some High Church clergy
man for disliking Lord Lansdowne : " Why, surely, you
can't deny Lord Lansdowne tolerates the Church." " Bah,
that's the very reason we hate him," was the answer, " because
he tolerates the Church.") I have read Maurice's new book l
but once, but like it much better than his last. The first is
surely a most beautiful application of the Kantian Noumena
and Phenomena doctrine. The talk about the Fall is rather
confusing to me. But I must read the whole again. It is,
as you say, a great thing that he sticks so close to the letter.
But I wish he knew Hebrew, and I also. I had not heard of
the panic at King's College ; if you learn more, pray tell me.
I think I must write to Maurice himself soon.
. . . Certes we never wanted true Teutonic Protestantism
as we do now ; it is the only thing that can keep true Catholicism
from rotting into one of the legion forms of pseudo-catholicism
which swarm around us. Have you heard of a new book,
Wilson's Bampton Lectures, which are making a great stir at
Oxford ? I have read part of them (he was one of the ' five
tutors' who protested against Tract 90), and they seem to
me perfectly horrible ; people will quote them as instances of
Germanising, but the Germanism lies only on the surface.
Locke and Zwingle are the real originators of the book, which
is dreadfully and calmly philosophically destructive. It is on
the Communion of Saints, and the object is to show that there
is no communion between the living and the dead, and that
Communion of Saints can mean only good action in different
Christians, assisted by 'separate rays' from the same divine
source ; incidentally he intimates his hatred of doctrines and
contempt for historical Christianity. Truly it is the dreariest
of all the Gospels (Bentham's not excluded) preached to our
poor age.
I am doing some little steady work. Every night after
prayers I lug down a big pile of books, — Bruder's Concordance,
Olshausen, De Wette, Tischendorfs text, Bagster's Critical
1 Probably Patriarchs and Lawgivers.
AGE 23
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
211
Greek Testament, and a German dictionary, — and work at St.
Paul chronologically. I have been two nights at 2 Thess. ii.
and have at last got some light, which has much pleased me
and encouraged me; I find it altogether a most interesting
and all-ways profitable study. I had no idea till the last few
weeks of the importance of texts, having read so little Greek
Testament, and dragged on with the villainous Textus Receptus.
Westcott recommended me to get Bagster's Critical, which
has Scholz's text, and is most convenient in small quarto, with
parallel Greek and English, and a wide margin on purpose for
notes. This pleased me much ; so many little alterations on
good MS. authority made things clear not in a vulgar, notional
way, but by giving a deeper and fuller meaning. But after all
Scholz is very capricious and sparing in introducing good
readings; and Tischendorf I find a great acquisition, above
all, because he gives the various readings at the bottom of his
page, and his Prolegomena are invaluable. Think of that vile
Textus Receptus leaning entirely on late MSS. ; it is a blessing
there are such early ones. . . .
Westcott, Gorham, C. B. Scott, Benson, Bradshaw, Luard,
etc., and I have started a society for the investigation of ghosts
and all supernatural appearances and effects, being all dis
posed to believe that such things really exist, and ought to be
discriminated from hoaxes and mere subjective delusions ; we
shall be happy to obtain any good accounts well authenticated
with names. Westcott is drawing up a schedule of questions.
Cope calls us the ' Cock and Bull Club ' ; our own temporary
name is the ' Ghostly Guild.' Westcott himself is, I fear, about
to leave us. ... His book has been wonderfully well received.
He is preparing a companion volume for the epistles, Elements
of the Apostolical Harmony, which will, I think, be rather odd.
I am getting to know more younger 'live' men, which is a
great pleasure. E. A. Scott of Rugby I like exceedingly ; he
is thick with the A. P. Stanley set. Benson also, and some
of those just going out, seem likely to be valuable friends.
He gave us a beautiful declamation in Hall on George Herbert,
which he is printing (not publishing) at Martin's request. We
had Thackeray at Cambridge to deliver his six lectures on
English Humorists of last century ; I heard all but the last.
212 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
They were very delightful and on the whole good. I did not
meet him while he was there.
I have now had a term of the ' Apostles,' and, on the whole,
like them; ridentem dicere verum seems their motto, and, of
course, the verum is now and then sunk in the risus, but not,
I think, substantially.
And so poor Turner is gone at last ! and even the Times
says calmly, " The fine arts in England have not produced a
more remarkable man than Joseph Mallard William Turner."
I have not seen any other critiques. Only think how fast the
giants fall — Wordsworth, and Peel, and Turner ; and soon, I
fear, the glorious old Duke. I got a number of delightful anec
dotes, etc., about Turner three or four weeks ago from W. T.
Kingsley, and saw part of the Liber Studiorum (and hope to
see the rest next term), and one or two glorious water-color
drawings of his. While I think of it, let me beg you to look
up on the heath near you for ripe seed of Ulex nanus ; to
make sure, you had better gather from unmistakably dwarf
furze bushes. We want them much for the Cambridge Botanical
Garden ; if not ripe now, you may possibly get them before
you leave Easebourne.
I think it is since I wrote at Cambridge that the Voluntary
List has come out. It is scarcely worth mentioning, but you
may be glad to hear that, when I went for my certificate to
Blunt, he told me he had had very great pleasure in looking
over my papers, etc. He asked if I were residing to go in for
a fellowship. I told him I had just missed one, and that of
course my reading for it had greatly interfered with my reading
for the Voluntary. He said he should not have thought it.
At going out he wished me all success very warmly.
To THE REV. B. F. WESTCOTT
HARDWICK, CHEPSTOW, January 2nd, 1852.
. . . Your prophecy has proved seemingly true; I am
sticking at 2 Thess. ii. But, for all that, you are no true
prophet, I make bold to say. I work very regularly from half-
past ten to half-past eleven every evening, and get on so (com-
AGE 23 CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE 213
paratively) smoothly that there is a good chance of getting
through a respectable proportion of my prescribed task. That
troublesome chapter has occupied many hours, but it is a
great satisfaction that at last I have gained some light upon the
matter, though a great deal remains to be cleared up. What
assures me most is that my view seems to combine in a certain
degree all others, to be analogous to the acknowledged inter
pretation of other prophecies, and to make the whole passage
a beautiful illustration of the meaning of prophecy and
inspiration, getting completely rid of Olshausen's preliminary
discussion as to the ' subjective ' or ' objective ' nature of the
passage. Verses 6 and 7 seem to me to have been quite
misunderstood as to their construction. I wish I could make
up my mind as to whether a Menschwerdung des Satans really
widerstrebt dem denkenden Verstande and dent frommen Gefuhle,
but incline to think not. But this and other points must be
kept for conversation.
To THE REV. B. F. WESTCOTT
HARDWICK, CHEPSTOW, January 24//&, 1852.
. . . We must have some talk about 2 Thess. ii. when we
meet. Apparently we shall agree in most points ; but is there
any real ground for applying 6 Kar^v to the Roman Empire ?
if so, what was the immediate anti-christian manifestation that
was to follow its removal ? I take the immediate fulfilment
of the whole to be the Fall of Jerusalem, which, from my view
of the connexion of O. and N. T., I probably think of more
importance than you do. God Himself seems to me to be
6 Kare^wv ; but of course, in that case, I should adopt a differ
ent grammatical construction from the usual one ; as, indeed, I
should do on other grounds. I can make nothing of the
order of r?ys d
To THE REV. JOHN ELLERTON
HARDWICK, January 26th, 1852.
... I heard that Hypatia was to be an exposition of
modern politics; the Church the friend of democracy, the
214 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
heathen, and especially the Neo-Platonists (whom he wants
to make out Emersonians), of aristocracy ; and so poor
Hypatia's murder a most proper and Christian punishment
for the sin of being an aristocrat ! I hope this is not true,
but have my fears.
Do you feel warm on National Defences? I confess I
do, and have distant visions of taking to rifle practice and I
know not what.
To MR. C. H. CHAMBERS
HARDWICK, January zjth, 1852.
. . . It is strange, the placid disgust with which one (at
least I can answer for one fraction of that indefinite pronoun)
hears of the successive developments of the famous Coodytar.1
Have you any strong opinions about National Defences ? I
confess I have, and have indeed had for several years ; only
it is no use indulging them at times when nobody cares about
the subject. But I hope people are at last beginning to open
their dull eyes. It will be not a little fun if we get rifle
corps (what is the plural of ' corps ' ? not ' corpses,' I hope)
all over the country. This business of the Iron Engineers is
likewise painfully interesting ; but it is rare to find the justice
so wholly monopolised by one side of quarrelling folks. I
did not give the masters credit for so much courage and
firmness, but I fear they are by no means sure of success.
To THE REV. JOHN ELLERTON
CAMBRIDGE, Febrtiary %tk, 1852.
... I am in the midst of Gladstone's most significant
and invaluable Letter to the Bishop of Aberdeen on lay
membership of synods. I don't know that I agree with him
on the final result — at least as a matter of principle, for in
practice it may perhaps be necessary, but the letter is a
model of calm, practical, Christian wisdom.
I am at work for the Hulsean, and have an awful list of
1 = Coup d'etat.
AGE 23
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
215
Apologists before me. I long to be rid of dear, good, prosy
Justin Martyr, and in the midst of Tertullian and Origen, and
still more Athanasius, Theodoret, and Augustin. I rather
like Hypatia, but think it shows signs of the perversion I
spoke of before. By the way, those good monks are not, I
think, the real live Manichaeans ; the latter are surely yet to
come — followers of Mani, I mane (forgive me !) Indeed I
am beginning to think that Maurice, etc., are not strictly right
in giving the name Manichseans to the Latin Tertullianistic
and monkish glorification of 'holy virginity'; the more exact
counterpart of Manichseism, I think, occurs in Origen and
the very opposite Alexandrine school. Maurice (whom I saw
in passing through London) told me that Kingsley prefaced
Hypatia by stating that all the seeming modernisms were
literal translations from the Greek; I have seen no such
preface. Maurice said, significantly, that he was sure
Kingsley would not intentionally misrepresent old circum
stances. Maurice recommended me Babylon and Jerusalem,
a pamphlet by Dr. Abeken in reply to some furious anti-
Protestant publications of Countess Ida Hahn Hahn, who
has emerged from the vanities of the world into the seriosities
of Romanism. Parker has published a nice translation of it.
Maurice called it the best book published in Germany for
some years. It certainly is a grand book, honest, hearty,
and wise, and without a particle of German philosophism,
though there are defects, natural to a Lutheran.
To MR. C. H. CHAMBERS
CAMBRIDGE, February 26tk, 1852.
... If you see the Spectator, you must have been some
what startled to learn by its publication of last Saturday that
" The Hall of Trinity College, Cambridge, was destroyed by
fire yesterday. Nothing but the walls remain ! " A friend of
mine wrote to me in much natural agitation about it. You
will probably, however, have learned by the other papers that
the scene of the conflagration was Trinity Hall College, much
of the front building of which was really gutted by fire on
216 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
Friday. My bedmaker woke me violently about half-past 6
saying that it was on fire, and Latham had sent to rouse
Trinity. When I reached the spot, the flames were bursting
out in fine style, but there was a dearth of buckets. So I ran
back and routed out the bedmakers on every staircase in the
New Court, and made them bring all their 'young gentle
men's ' pails. Of course we had several lines of buckets, but
the disposition of lanes and buildings was not favourable to
those mysterious concatenations of human beings. However
I got away at half-past 9, the fire being then effectually got
under, though the engines were obliged to go on playing till
half-past 12. Five sets of rooms were destroyed, and
several others injured, as well as much furniture, etc. The
College is scatheless, having put on an additional insurance of
some thousands only a few days before. A marvellous number
of watches vanished from their owners' pockets in the con
fusion.
Westcott has been away from Cambridge this term, having
been taking Keary's place at Harrow during the latter's illness,
and now to-day we hear that he is dead. I suppose Westcott
will remain there permanently.
To HIS MOTHER
CAMBRIDGE, February 2$th, 1852.
... In the autumn the Botanical Society of London
announced that they were going to distribute a good stock of
specimens of foreign plants to such of their members as wished
for them. I should not have thought it worth while to spend
any money upon them ; but, as they were to be had for the
asking, and I knew I should make at least as good use of
them as nineteen-twentieths of the members, I applied for a
list of what they had, and marked all I in decency could.
And this morning they have arrived with some rare British
plants, and very beautiful some of them are, especially the
Swiss grasses ; I find also among them a piece of olive from
Athens, and something else from the slopes of Hymettus.
You will be somewhat amused at something I did last week.
AGE 23 CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE 217
On the Tuesday (at 4) I got a kind letter from Gerald Blunt,
describing his forlorn state, as he was left in sole charge of
the parish in his rector's absence, and he was unwell and
always found the work hard. Near the end he said, " If you
want employment, send me down by Thursday a little sermon,"
giving a text, as it was to be part of a series. When I read
it, I took it for a joke ; but in the evening it struck me that
he really was in a hard plight, and that it would be great fun to
surprize him with a sermon, if only I could manage it, but I
feared it would take me days to write one ; and it must go
the next morning at 10, or it would be of no use. However
I sat down to make the attempt, though I had not a moment
to spare for thought or arrangement, and expected very soon
to stick and have to give it up as a bad job. But somehow
I went on and on, time slipping away imperceptibly ; at last
finished it (in exactly five hours), sealed it, and sent it the next
morning ; and have since had the pleasure of receiving very
warm thanks for it.1
To THE REV. B. F. WESTCOTT
CAMBRIDGE, March 26th (vel potius i A.M. March 27^), 1852.
... I have just learned from Scott that you are coming
up early next week, but he does not know the day. I hope
you will be here for our last musical meeting of the term,
which is to be on Wednesday night. We have got Mozart's
Mass in very tolerable order (except the movement cum
Sancto Spiritu, which we have sung but twice, and one or two
runs elsewhere), and shall be delighted to have you joining in
it ; I fear I am getting a most Popish predilection for the Latin
words.
. . . The 'ghostly' papers have at last arrived un-
mutilated from Barry, whom Gordon has brought into the
Society ; we are also going to ask Thrupp to join, who has just
arrived from the East, without, however, many additions to his
languages, excepting barbarous theories about pronouncing
Greek by accent entirely, and purism as to gutturals.
1 Mr. Blunt found the sermon in question too long, and cut it in half.
2i8 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
To THE REV. JOHN ELLERTON
HARDWICK, April 8th, 1852.
... I have been working pretty hard for the Hulsean, for
which I have laid down a sufficiently ambitious plan. It
would be a physical impossibility to realise it for the whole
period before October ; but I mean to try to do so tolerably
for the Ante-Nicene period (so as, if possible, to bear down all
competition), treating the subsequent centuries superficially;
meaning, if successful, to work them up to the standard of
the early part before publication. If I have but time, I think
I shall be able to make a serviceable book, but the reading
required is prodigious. All in Church and State seems hidden
behind a thick veil ; no one can guess what is coming, We
have been this term occupied at Cambridge with two successive
lectures on ' Electrobiology,' which certainly affords most
extraordinary phenomena. I did not choose to pay a guinea
to be taught the art ; but yet I succeeded perfectly up to a
certain point with a gentleman two nights ago.
To THE REV. JOHN ELLERTON
HARDWICK, April i^th, 1852.
... I do not know whether the Society for Promoting
Association has itself helped the strike, but suspect not ; I
will try to find out at Cambridge through the Macmillans,
but do not like asking Maurice or Kingsley about it, as I
wish to avoid the subject with them as far as possible.
Davies tells me that Maurice's name appeared some time
ago prominently in the committee of an Omnibus Drivers'
Association, but that it has lately been withdrawn, which is
somewhat significant. I do hope the Masters will now use
the noble opportunity they have to be gracious, and show that
they really wish to treat their workmen like men, though they
will not for a moment tolerate rebellious dictation. But, I
should think, the time can hardly be far off when Government
will really think the commercial fabric of the country not
beneath their notice and government
AGE 24 CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE 219
To MR. C. H. CHAMBERS
CAMBRIDGE, May nth, 1852.
. . I send you two 'ghostly' papers ; l you can have more
if you want them, but I find they go very fast, and the 750
copies which we printed go by no means far enough. We are
promised a large number of well-authenticated private stories,
but they have not arrived yet. Our most active members are,
however, absent from Cambridge ; to wit, Westcott at Harrow,
and Gordon2 at Wells. The latter says that Macaulay is
horrified at the paper, as a proof how much ' Puseyism ' is
spreading in Cambridge ! and some other eminent Edinburgh
Reviewer (I forget who) thinks it highly unphilosophical in us
to assume the existence of angels — which, by the way, we don't
do (for our classification is only of 'phenomena'), though
I don't suppose any of us would shrink from the ' assump
tion.'
To THE REV. B. F. WESTCOTT
CAMBRIDGE, May nth and zist, 1852.
My dear Westcott — I can hardly believe that it is nearly
six weeks since I saw you here ; but so it is, and I must not
put off writing any longer. My vacation was curiously broken
up. The new tubular suspension-bridge at Chepstow was in
process of being got into its place (i.e. the tube thereof), and,
thanks to the several steps of the process, and the numerous
procrastinations and false alarms connected with each, a great
number of hours was lost from enjoyment of home. . . .
During the vacation I distributed some eight or ten
' ghostly ' papers, and have been promised some narratives
from Scotland. Blunt showed me one MS. of what appears
to be a well-known story concerning Lady Tyrone; the
account was known to have come originally from her family,
but the paper was marked as copied in 1805 (I think), and
there was no means of ascertaining its exact parentage.
1 i.e. Prospectuses of the ' Ghostly Guild.'
2 The Hon. A. H. Gordon, now Lord Stanmore.
220 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
I left a paper on my table the other evening when the
Ray met here, and it excited some attention, but not, I think,
much sympathy. Dr. - - was appalled to find such a spot
of mediaeval darkness flecking the light serene of Cambridge
University in the nineteenth century. There were also grave
smiles and civil questions; and finally several copies were
carried off. . . .
I have just had (May 2ist) a young Tubingen theological
student here, who came bringing an introduction from a
friend, and was visiting England to learn something about
English theology and English Universities. He was very
intelligent and gentlemanly, but I have had a great job
in describing to him University organisation. Schleiermacher
he spoke of as the man who is exerting most influence in
Germany. Moral questions seem intermixed with theology in
a very un-Whewellian fashion. He says that even the most
orthodox care nothing for the theology of the three Creeds,
even where they accept it ; which is itself rare with many
whom we should on other accounts call 'orthodox.' The
great problem, he says, is agreed on nearly all hands to be the
adjusting of a Christian faith which shall touch other parts of
man besides his mere intellect. One would think that they
would not have far to go in their quest before finding the
thing sought — if only they could learn to find some divine
meaning in the words 'Church' or 'Creeds.'
To THE REV. JOHN ELLERTON
CAMBRIDGE, May 2%th, 1852.
. . . The ' Peelites ' do, as you say, seem the only hope
of the country, but more minute study of Gladstone's speeches,
etc., and talk with Gordon about him, have made me doubt
his possessing the unity and harmony of mind requisite to
make him a second Burke, though he towers far above nearly,
if not quite, all our other 'statesmen.' Walpole seems to
promise something ; this ministry will at least have achieved
the good of bringing him out. Of course I agree with all you
say of your views of social politics (with the possible exception
AGE 24
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221
of association — which, however, I am disposed to allow
remedially in small doses), and am thankful that you have
reached them, though I felt sure it would be only a question
of time.
I know more or less your several spots of halting, having
spent some weeks at Ryde in the summer of '42 before it was
made a semi-royal watering-place ; though even then it was
dashing enough. Southsea always took my fancy ; there is
something so jolly about that comfortably stout, well-to-do
castle, squatted independently plump on the flat shore, as if
the architect had sent it down with a pat like a lump of stiff
clay or putty. The teeth of Portsmouth and the Solent are truly
wonderful. I know no place where the beaverism 1 (?) of the
nineteenth century becomes so human and, as it were, spiritual
as the dockyard ; all is stern work for a stern purpose — no
pomps and vanities and no greediness of pelf. I confess I
didn't like Ventnor, but Bonchurch is perfection ; and now
the exquisite loveliness of the place is strangely intertwined
with mournful associations. One cannot forget poor Sterling
there, and Adams, and others whom I cannot recall just now.
But Bonchurch is not genuine Undercliff, and therefore I hope
you went on to Niton ; the view of the sea and shore from
the beach near Black Gang Chine is grander than anything
in the Island. Alum Bay is pretty, but a mere toy. The
Needles and Freshwater cliffs are, however, noble, but I saw
them only on a voyage round the Isle.
To THE REV. JOHN ELLERTON
HARDWICK, June zgth, 1852.
. . . When I was in London I saw the Royal Academy.
The pre-Raphaelites (Millais at least) are past description. I
was disappointed at first at the first of them I looked at,
Millais's * Huguenot,' but found that the deficiencies arose
simply from his scrupulous and honest humility ; he can't yet
paint a background, or air, or distance at all, and so he doesn't
try it, but arranges his picture so as to get rid of them, and
Word nearly illegible.
222 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
place all in simple noontide sunshine. One is struck at the
utter absence of even the quietest melodramatic or even true
attitudinising. There is no clinging, no convulsion. The
points of contact and union are simply the eyes, and the faces
as ministering to the eyes ; and further, all four hands are
strained to the utmost ; the girl's two at the two ends of the
white badge, the man's right (which passes lightly round her head
and his own left arm, not embracing her) holding the loop of
it from being drawn tight, and his left smoothing, or rather
pressing, back the hair from her right temple and compressing
her head at the same time. Neither face is very intellectual
or beautiful ; both are common, and yet both people on whom
one could lean instinctively, so true and strong and tender and
free from all frivolity. Then the desperately calm, intense (not
at all violent) look of her uplifted, quiet eyes, and the strange
answer which his face gives ; at first I thought that he rather
pitied and despised her emotion, but really loving her, tried to
look concerned in the midst of his smile ; but I did him cruel
wrong. He is intensely moved (though not a whit shaken), but
tries to put on a calm and resigned and almost cheerful look
for her sake. So thoroughly human a picture I never saw,
full also of the deepest and purest Wordsworthian beauty.
'Ophelia' is hard to describe, but it is scarcely if at all
inferior, though less interesting. It is indeed like the beginning
of a new era to other things than painting.
It is very pleasant to see what good service Gladstone has
been doing of late in the House of Commons, but I fear he is
damaging himself with the public.
To THE REV. B. F. WESTCOTT
HARDWICK, CHEPSTOW, June 29^, 1852.
. . . Certainly I cannot but be pleased at your having
bought (and, may it be hoped? read) Maurice's Kingdom
of Christ, for you seem to me to have misunderstood his
position and objects. But I have thought for years, ist,
that he is intelligible and profitable to a person so far as
that person needs him, and no farther; 2nd, that the most
AGE 24
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
223
substantial benefit which he confers is that of enabling us to
enter into, sympathize with, and profit by the writings of
others ; in short, to realize truly the connexion between their
sayings and their selves. Similarly, he seems to me to be a
most acute interpreter to us of our own confused thoughts.
You will therefore easily see that I regard him as a man to be
valued and loved, far more than admired and glorified.
... I have hardly ever come into contact with anything
belonging to German Theology without being chilled by the
way in which it seems almost universally regarded by its
warmest cultivators as an interesting scholastic speculation
(Dr. Abeken's Babylon and Jerusalem is a notable exception),
and feeling thankful that we English cannot forget that the
Truth is that in which we daily live, whatever penalty we may
pay for our privilege in the shape of theological factions.
... It will not do to get too discursive, but the news
papers have of late given us plenty of food for thought ;
every week seems to bring us nearer to the consummation,
the separation of Church and State. Thank you very much
for asking me to come to you at Harrow. I do hope to give
myself that enjoyment some time, but I am going to be at
Cambridge all the Long, partly for Fellowship, but chiefly for
Hulsean, which I am very anxious to do serviceably.
To THE REV. B. F. WESTCOTT
CAMBRIDGE, August $th, 1852.
... On the whole I am not sorry at being thus restricted
to the Hulsean, respecting which you kindly ask. I have
roughly completed the Chronology, including innumerable
notes or dissertations (for appendices) on chronological, his
torical, and critical points, and a few fragments of translations
or analysis ; likewise three or four pages of the Introduction,
which requires very delicate and cautious treatment, as it is
mostly on the subject how development is applicable to a
revelation, the object being to show that, in spite of theological
changes, the defences made by the Fathers are useful to us
now.
224 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
To HIS MOTHER
CAMBRIDGE, August 6th, 1852.
. . . We who have been rovers all our lives have per
haps no great right to urge others not to migrate ; but
even gypsies, I suppose, would hardly advise all the world
to follow their vagabond example. I have been anything
but shaken by lately meeting with precisely the opposite
advice by an American, who says that "human nature will
not flourish, any more than a potato, if it be planted and
replanted, for too long a series of generations, in the same
worn-out soil." Can you imagine a more cruel insult to the
poor potato, who is kept by transplanting in a state of per
petual gout for our benefit, and gets twitted when he tries to
get back to his natural state by making himself a home ? By
the way, this reminds me of a very curious discovery (lately
published in the Gardener's Chronicle) made by some French
practical botanists. The origin and native country of our
cultivated corn has been for ages a question of great difficulty.
The true wheat was said three or four years ago to have been
found on the Altai mountains, in the heart of Asia ; but there
appears to be some doubt as to whether it was not even there
the remains of old cultivation. But these botanists have been
for years experimenting on the cultivation of several grasses,
and have at last obtained, by sowing and resowing from two
species of the genus sEgilops, two common ' varieties ' ot
wheat, the common wheat being produced from SEgilops
triticea or 'wheat-like SEgilops? Some botanists are in a
terrible fright, and think that this discovery unsettles the
whole foundations of the science of botany; but that only
shows how vague their own notions of science are. Thank
you about the bramble, but I do not wish it cut, even for
specimens, which could be obtained at Itton ; what I wanted
was to have a good healthy bush near home, to study growing.
I felt so convinced of its distinctness from all well-known
species, that I gave it to Babington with a new name, but told
him I should not publish it till I was more familiar with it.
I am glad now I did so ; for strolling with him the other day
AGE 24 CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE 225
in the Botanic Garden, I came on some brambles grown from
seed, some of mine and some from Mr. Bloxam in Leicester
shire ; among the latter I immediately recognised one bush as
the Monmouthshire kind. It came under the name of a species
which has always puzzled me, having seen but two or three
dried specimens ; it was only known to grow at Rugby. So
the already published name comes in very conveniently to be
joined on to the observations which I had made independently.
Babington is very glad, as a double scandal is thus avoided,
ist, of describing a new species, and 2nd, of dropping an old
one. The Orobanche which I found the day I walked with
you to New House proves, as I expected, to be O. ctzrulea.
There is a record above half a century old of its having been
found somewhere in Glamorganshire ; but it has been doubted,
as it is known to grow only in Hants, Herts, and Norfolk.
You would be amused at the duties which fall to me this
vacation as senior bachelor in residence. I have every day
after dinner to order second course for the next (taking with
me one or two counsellors) ; but fortunately the cheapness of
fruit renders it no very hard matter to provide for our table.
One of my colleagues the other day wished for Norfolk
dumplings ; and they sent us up dry doughboys, which required
to be cut with a knife !
I will certainly read Forsyth's life, if you wish, if I see it
again ; but I have looked into it before two or three times,
and, I confess, been somewhat repelled. Pray do not fancy
that I think I do not want such ' spurs,' or set myself above
them. But there is about that and most similar books an
artificial atmosphere which stifles me, and makes me unable to
appropriate the genuine good which is there. But do not the
less believe that I am more than ever your affectionate son,
FENTON J, A. HORT.
To THE REV. JOHN ELLERTON
CAMBRIDGE, August i$tfi, 1852.
... On the 23rd I got a line from Blunt to say that he,
his wife, sister, and mother were in town, and when would I
go and see them, as I had already more than half promised to
VOL. I Q
226 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
do. I wrote to say I would be there next day (Saturday),
and delightful hours those forty-eight were. The Chevalier
Bunsen had pounced upon them the moment they were in
town, and been as kind as could be to them ; they had dined
at the Embassy, and now he (Blunt) had to call there, and I
called with him. Luckily the Chevalier was at home, and
so we had a most cosy and friendly chat with him for the
best part of an hour, mostly about his book (now in the
press) on St. Hippolytus, and in fact on many things in early
Church History and theology. It would be too long to talk
much about it now ; but it will evidently be a very interesting
book, but, I fear, sadly heretical. It concludes with an
'Apology of St. Hippolytus to the English people, at the
Great Exhibition of all nations, May 1851.' On Sunday
afternoon Gerald and Julia Blunt and I walked through the
thunderous rain to Lincoln's Inn, and had the usual luxuries
there in service and sermon (on the mischief of compromise
in re Protestantism v. Catholicism) not very new or striking ;
afterwards I had just time to shake hands with Maurice and
introduce Blunt. In the evening I read them a MS. sermon
of Maurice's (whereof more anon) which I had brought with
me as a thing which they would like to see.
On the 2 Qth I went with Babington and Newbould for
thirty-six hours to Newmarket, to explore the botany of the
country north of it.
Maurice has written and is revising two new volumes of
sermons on the Kings and Prophets. He sent down here
the first six, which Macmillan lent me, and it was one of
them I took to London. The first (on Samuel as prophet,
and last of the judges anointing the first king) is very good
and beautiful, with a strange pathetic apology (so I take it)
for himself as taking part in things which he dislikes, because
they seem part of the coming act in the great world drama
which is all part of God's order. The second is indescribably
wonderful ; it literally makes one quiver, and is rich in poetry
to a marvellous extent ; it is on * Saul among the Prophets '-
in short, Saul's life. The third is not much less beautiful,
on David before his accession. The fourth also good, on
David as king. Fifth not so good, on Solomon. Sixth ditto,
AGE 24
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
227
but interesting and pregnant, on Rehoboam and the schism
in the tribes, taken as a type of all schisms.
I am not in a very comfortable way as to Fellowships.
Against me there are in my own year Schreiber and Bea-
mont, both medallists and therefore ' senior ops,' one above,
the other equal to me in the Tripos, both having read at
least quadruple my amount of classics. In the other year
is Lightfoot, a double man of boundless reading, who would
have got one last time, Thompson said, if he had tried. . . .
I am getting on with my Essay slowly enough, and yet
have written a vast deal ; but I am working more regularly
than I have done since I have been at Cambridge, at all events
since my first term.
To THE REV. JOHN ELLERTON
CAMBRIDGE, August z^rd, 1852.
. . . Please mention your Brighton address, as I want to
lose no time in writing to Henry Bradshaw of King's, whose
mother has just taken a house there in permanence, and I
want to put in a line asking him to call on you. He is
young (between his second and third year, I think), but, I am
inclined to think, about the nicest fellow in Cambridge.
TO THE REV. C. KlNGSLEY
CAMBRIDGE, August 31^, 1852.
Dear Mr. Kingsley — As you gave a gracious reception
to the notes which I wrote on your Dialogue l the other day
at Macmillan's request, I make bold to add two fresh sug
gestions. No. i comes from Macmillan himself, who is far
better versed in Bohn's translations of Plato than I am in the
original. Surely ' Euthyphron ' 2 is a bad name for your
ingenui vultus puer. He was a pxvrts in some sense or other,
a pious one, who thought to show off his piety by prosecuting his
father for murder. Either ' Charmides ' or ' Glaucon ' would
1 'Phaethon.'
2 Apparently the name first chosen for the interlocutor, afterwards
called 'Phaethon.'
228 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
suit you exactly, if you didn't mind their beauty. Glaucon at
the beginning of the second book of the Republic does very
much as your Euthyphro, but his name is not so attractive as
the others, and I do not know whether his age and that of
Alcibiades agreed. On the other hand, Charmides, a dear
boy, was certainly his contemporary. But, if beauty is a
disqualification, I despair of finding you a substitute for
Euthyphro. Ugly boys were rarities in Athens, I fancy.
So apparently you must put up with a pretty one, and drop
the disparaging words.1 Suggestion No. 2 relates to the
Pnyx. As the place of Assembly was on the N.E. side
of the Pnyx-hill, Sunium would be hidden from persons
standing there, even if there are no spurs of Hymettus in the
way. Further, as Sunium is due S.E. of Athens, the sun
could hardly rise there ; and it will not do to say that you
do not mean that it rises exactly over Sunium, for then
Hymettus himself is in your way. The simplest way will be
to say nothing about Sunium. By the bye, the regular hour
of meeting was daybreak, which leaves little time for the
Dialogue ; but the passage in the Acharnians which gives the
rule, shows likewise that the magistrates were not always
punctual. I have hardly space to say how much I liked both
Dialogue and Prologue, but that is no matter. — Ever most
truly yours, FENTON J. A. HORT.
The above notes are perhaps in themselves trivial
enough, but any who in later years sought literary
criticism from Hort before publication, will appreciate
the jealous accuracy of which his friends' no less than his
own books reaped the benefit. More serious criticism
of the finished Dialogue will be found later on.
To THE REV. B. F. WESTCOTT
CAMBRIDGE, September i^th, 1852.
... I have never read the Tracts for the Times, but the
perfect clearness and keenness of Newman always gives me
1 This appears to have been clone.
AGE 24 CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE 229
pleasure ; at the same time it is rather like a very pure knife-
edge of ice. I believe he has really a warm heart, but he has
put it to school in a truly diabolic way.
By the way, have you read Uncle Torrfs Cabin ? if not, do.
I cannot at all understand how so good a book has come to be
so praised. If you saw the Times review, however (which is an
exception), you will need no further recommendation ; it
could be no poor or trivial book which could stir up such
deep blasphemy against the Holy Ghost.
I once spent a most delightful week at Lynmouth, but I
enjoy Ilfracombe far more. I do hope you not only saw it,
but encamped there for some days. The breezy freshness,
the free toss of the wavelike 'Tors,' the swelling hills with
woody ravines ending in such sweet combes, and its rocky
shore with transparent pools, full of the richest forms of life,
give it for me a charm like very few other places.
To HIS MOTHER
CAMBRIDGE, September 26//z, 1852.
My dearest Mother — Will you have the kindness to abstain
from calling your letters 'great stuff' till you obtain leave
from me ? Not that I am likely, I hope, ever to give you
leave, but that makes no matter ; one's thoughts and one's
sayings do sometimes coincide ; so till you get leave, abstain.
But I am far from uninterested in your details of household
arrangements. . . . There is not a wide sphere here for me
to have domestic arrangements in, much less to describe
them, gyps and bedmakers being only charmen (are there such
beings ?) and charwomen. The whole family consists of my
self and my books, and the latter are very silent (so indeed is
the former). I had the other day seventy volumes of them on
the table, more or less in use ; but as the libraries close on
Wednesday, I shall be quite deserted then. The remaining
member of the family — that marked No. i — has been attain
ing a comparatively wonderful amount of regularity and
punctuality, seldom missing Morning Chapel, taking a spunge
bath every morning, taking constant walks, and working more
steadily and continuously than for several years.
230 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
To HIS MOTHER
CAMBRIDGE, October 12th, 1852.
My dearest Mother — Very many thanks for your congratu
lations, which are not the less welcome or valued because of
their seeming limitation. For my own part, I value the
Fellowship l chiefly as means of future, even more than present
influence. But of course the more efficacious it is in that
respect, the greater is the responsibility ; and therefore I shall
need your affectionate prayers more than ever, — and I know I
shall have them. It is, as you say, a very odd feeling, but
the prominent one is increased pride and interest in the
College ; but the charm would be snapped instantaneously if
I thought of it for a moment as anything but a temporary
resting-place.
The Essay, such as it is, must be sent in to-morrow week.
It is on the early defenders of Christianity against heathens
and Jews in the first four centuries. — With much love, your
affectionate son, FENTON J. A. HORT.
To THE REV. B. F. WESTCOTT
CAMBRIDGE, October Wi and 13^, 1852.
. . . You evidently estimate the event 2 as I do, not so
much as an honour as an acquisition of a vantage ground
from which whatever message may be committed to us is
likely to be listened to with more attention. But it makes
one tremble the more lest any ' idle words ' should bring dis
credit on a body which has inherited such a weight of
authority earned by speaking the full truth.
I have got the Beitrage, but have hardly had time to
look at them yet. But, so far as I have used Credner's
Introduction (which is not much), I can quite confirm your
high opinion of him ; and his abstinence from unnecessary
verbiage is a very great merit indeed. But it seems to me
1 The following were admitted Fellows in 1852 : C. Schreiber, W.
J. Beamont, F. J. A. Hort, J. B. Lightfoot.
2 His election to a Fellowship.
I
AGE 24 CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE 231
pretty plain that well -trained English classical scholars are
likely to become much better sacred critics than Germans.
The union of the two characters seems rare in Germany, and
not usually felicitous where it does take place.
You must have misunderstood me about Newman. Many
of his sayings and doings I cannot but condemn most strongly.
But they are not Newman ; and him I all but worship. Few
men have been privileged to be the authors of such incalcu
lable blessings to the world (though perhaps not a hundred
acknowledge the fact), and therefore few have had his
temptations. Unhappily the hard-hearted, scornful, and lying
persecution which he had so long to bear did its work upon
him but too effectually. Still even now it were most wrong
to 'confound the cry of agony with a mocking laugh,' or
rather to forget how both may be mingled in the same sound.
To THE REV. JOHN ELLERTON
CAMBRIDGE, November 14^, \ g
HARDWICK, December 14^, J
My dear Ellerton — Time passes terribly, and it is with no
little shame that I see your last letter bears date exactly a
month back. One thing is that I am President of the Union,
and debates, private business meetings, adjourned private busi
ness meetings, library committees, standing committees, and
private consultations about all manner of meetings and com
mittees, take up a good deal of time. Likewise I have begun
to take pupils, or, to speak correctly, a pupil, for no more have
come to me. As it turns out, I am not so sorry that I have
no more ; for he is a good one, and occupies my time largely,
I have to make so much preparation for him. In fact I am
learning Greek far more rapidly than I have done all the time
I have been up. Then C. B. Scott and I read Hebrew
together any time that I can spare on Monday, Wednesday,
and ^Friday evenings. On Wednesday there is the Ray, on
Friday our musical class (in which we are singing Beethoven's
wonderful Mass in C, the treble of the accompaniment of the
Kyrie Eleison of which I played (?) to you in a manner when
232 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
you were here), and on Saturday the 'Apostles/ to the
college of whom we last night admitted Farrar. Further, I
have been constantly correcting the sheets of Maurice's Kings
and Prophets, which come ' revised ' from his hands in the
most ludicrous state of inaccuracy ; I am sure six corrections
a page would be under the average, but the majority of these
belong to punctuation. You will now be able partly to under
stand how, not having yet recovered regular hours, I have
found myself short of time, and have not even done any read
ing of my own of any regular kind.
I promised to give you some details about the Fellowship,
but really there is very little to tell. In Classics Lightfoot
was of course first, and Benson second, chiefly, I believe, from
a beautiful translation of " Then quickly rose Sir Bedivere,
and ran," in Morte d Arthur, into Greek Hexameters. I
gather that I was third in Classics, but I am not absolutely
sure ; I was at all events, Thompson told me, quite sure from
the very first (which was said of no one else), and all the
early papers were classical. Mathematics were almost zero
to me. The History papers were so absurd (mostly techni
calities about modii, rates of interest, etc.) that no one but
Beamont did respectably. In Philosophy I was far ahead of
everybody. I wrote a good deal on one question about
Natural and Artificial systems, to be illustrated from Botany,
and my answer seems to have made quite a sensation.
Sedgwick, I hear, has been talking in the most extravagant
way about it, saying that no man in England could have
written such a one, and indignantly trampling on somebody
who suggested that Henslow might write as good a one ! ! !
Beamont came out considerably, and did very much better
than last year; he was next to me in Philosophy. He is
gone off to the East alone, with the intention of making his
way to Mecca, disguised as a Mahometan pilgrim ! I believe
that there is no more to say about the Fellowship except that
I was elected unanimously.
My Essay went in on the 2oth (or rather A.M. 2ist) at
great length, but in a singularly imperfect state ; all the
period from Tertullian to Augustine being merely a cata
logue of names and dates, interspersed with fragments and
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233
critical and chronological notes. It would take too long,
or I would tell you the extraordinary hurry in which it was
written out, greatly increased by the unexpected arrival of
my Bury cousins, the Colletts, to be lionised over Cam
bridge two days before. Suffice it to say, that I was forty-
eight hours out of bed, and that E. A. Scott, Bradshaw, an
hired amanuensis, and myself were writing for the bare life
in my rooms continuously from half -past 7 P.M. till about
6 A.M., and to some of us that was only the finale. I meant
to have gone on rapidly with it this time, and my rooms
are full of books for the purpose ; but I have had no time
to do anything. I have a long and very delightful letter to
thank you for, especially for its account of Brighton affairs
and your doings, of which I am quite insatiably greedy. I
am afraid I must have talked big and misled you when you
were here, for I really know very little actually of Church His
tory • I only know of regions of Church History which are
popularly ignored. The sources are the Fathers. Eusebius
himself, the Burnet of the early ages, unmethodical and unfair,
is yet full of interesting information, especially in his numerous
quotations. But after all it is very hard to sit down regularly
to read history without some definite object; and that was
one great object I had in attempting this Essay. I have at
least, however, gained the negative advantage of ascertaining
that there is nothing deserving the name of a Church History in
existence. Neander is exceedingly useful as a handbook, but
he is very unfair in his own demure way, besides writing no
history at all, properly so called. I forget whether when you
were with me I had got the first (and, as yet, only) volume of
Thiersch, translated by the Irvingite Carlyle. That is the
nearest approach to a history that I have seen ; and a very
good one too, being learned, sensible, spirited, and orthodox.
The history of the N. T. books seems excellent, so far as I
have looked at it, and know the subject ; but unluckily the
volume does not go beyond the Apostolic age.
My thoughts have for some time converged towards making
Church History the central object of my reading, with a view
perhaps to writing a great history years hence, especially con
taining a full landscape, foreground and background, of the
234 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
times, independently of religious and ecclesiastical matters.
But the necessary preparation will be enormous. Indepen
dently of the entire contemporary literature sacred and profane,
and all the principal modern comments and digests of the
same from the fifteenth century till now, I shall have to devote
great labour to discovering and constructing an accurate view
of the world in all aspects (especially the social) before the
coming of Christ. Independently of smaller centres, which
become very important in subsequent Church History, there
are at least five large distinct heads — Rome, Greece, Judaism,
Persianism, and Egypt. Then there are all the very curious
mixtures of these, the Graecising of victorious Rome, — the
multitudinous effects of Alexander's conquests, as the Graecis
ing of Persia, resulting in the stifling of the old faith for several
centuries and the rise of that strange Parthian empire, and the
Graecising of Egypt under the Ptolemies with all its strange
literature, producing Lycophron and Theocritus side by side,
— the Jewish mixtures especially in Samaria and Egypt and
Leontopolis, the rival Jerusalem of the Egyptian Jews. Then
there are all the minor tribes, many of them Semitic, of North
Africa, Pontus, Phrygia, etc., and their mixtures, especially with
Hellenic culture. All this will, I fear, require much ethno
logical study. Then this whole state of things arises from the
fusion of decaying powers, which must therefore be studied in
their youth and manhood ; you will easily see how much is
thus rendered necessary. It seems to me that, whether I write
and publish or not, I shall have to work up three distinct
treatises : (i) a history of the Jewish nation from Abraham to
B.C. 300. This will involve all the questions of Hebrew criti
cism, not only historical but philological, and thus require
study of the whole range of Semitic languages, not only the
Aramaic with Syriac and Chaldee, but Arabic, Persian, and
^Ethiopia (2) A history of Greek philosophy from Thales to
Aristotle's immediate disciples, Theophrastus, etc., paying
especial attention to the ante-Socratics (Pythagoras, Hera-
clitus, and Empedocles in particular), and trying to bring out
their relation to their unphilosophical contemporaries, especi
ally the early poets, and to the state of the Greek cities
generally before the corruption of the fifth century. This will
AGE 24
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
235
involve imbuing oneself with all the good Greek literature —
a pleasant task enough, but a heavy one. (3) A history of
the Hellenic world from the death of Alexander the Great
to the birth of Christ. This will be almost entirely new
ground; the materials are scanty, and politics had by that
time reached such a state that philosophy and religion, such
as they were, must form the main element. The Trpoirapa-
(TKevr) evayyeAtKTJ has been often enough touched theologically
for theological purposes ; but I do not think it has been
attempted with any fulness with a genuine historical purpose ;
yet few things are more necessary to give the starting-point of
Church History. This is an alarming catalogue of labours,
not a tenth part of which will, I suppose, ever be realised.
At all events, these dreams are between ourselves; anybody
else would have just reason to laugh at me for them. But
they may at least give some little purpose and method to
reading.
By the way, I was immensely taken the other day by an
exquisite song, words and music one inseparable whole ; the
latter by Schubert, the former by I don't know whom ; it is
called 'Einsam? einsam?'
Gordon was kind enough to give me a ticket for St Paul's
at the funeral,1 and the temptation was too great to be resisted.
Unluckily, though near enough to hear everything, and well
placed for seeing such of the procession as entered the
building, I was hindered by one of Wren's clumsy, shapeless
piers from seeing the ' area ' and ceremony. But it was an
infinite pleasure to take part in what I felt to be the real fast
and humiliation of the nation for all its sins, and solemn ser
vice in celebration of the last sixty-three years. It is no use
attempting any description ; the impression, never, I hope, to
be forgotten, was not a matter of words. To me, perhaps,
the solemnest part of the whole was the exquisitely chanted,
" Lord, Thou hast been our refuge from one generation to
another," so humble and quiet and prostrate and suppliant,
finally bursting with such perfect and harmonious sequence
into, "And the Glorious Majesty of the Lord our God be
upon us : prosper Thou the work of our hands upon us, O
1 Of the Duke of Wellington.
236 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
prosper Thou our handy work." People found fault with the
' inappropriateness ' of the concluding anthem from the ' St.
Paul,' " Sleepers wake ! a voice is calling ! " I don't know
what Milman meant by it; but I imposed my own mean
ing, and found it more than appropriate. Dear old Blunt
gave us a very nice sermon at St. Mary's : the beginning
commonplace, but he waxed warm, and you can imagine how
he honoured such a kindred spirit as the Duke. I hope you
enjoy Tennyson's Ode, which I hear sadly abused here. At
first I could not make it out ; the words seemed nothing
remarkable, but there was a mystery about the music of them.
Another reading, however, enabled me to get into the spirit of
them and feel their grandeur. For metre I know nothing
equal. A man named Evans of Emmanuel has got Macmillan
to publish some more than respectable sonnets on the occasion.
So much has come before one's mind of late that I am over
whelmed with matter. But I am sure you must have been
rejoiced by the debut (oh, what a word !) of Convocation, and
Hare's delightful speech and fraternization, and Thirlwall's
perhaps still more valuable mediation in the Upper House.
Trinity shone out in her proper place ; it was pleasant to see
Peacock stand up so manfully for dear old Mill. We owe
much thanks to S. Oxon, who has been the prime mover in
the whole.
We had a most noble commemoration sermon at St. Mary's
from Harvey Goodwin on 'Reasonable Service.' Think of
his having the boldness to condemn the 'cropping and
pollarding ' young men into a proper clerical state of mind !
I am curious to hear what is your opinion of the Restoration
of Belief ; I fear I stand alone in disliking No. 2.
You will be much delighted with Maurice's Kings and
Prophets ; they take quite a new flight ; but I suppose you
will see them in a day or two. I am anxious also to see the
little fugitive volume of sermons on the Sabbath, etc., which
Parker is publishing for him. He gets on very slowly with
the History of Philosophy, but prints as he goes. I have
seen all the sheets as yet; they go to St. Clement of Alex
andria, and are a vast improvement, though far from perfection.
I have also now in my possession, and am reading, the sheets
AGE 24
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
237
Lectures
far as the
tic
new Warburtonian
differences, and part of the
writings of SS. Peter, James, and Paul. Have you seen
M. Arnold's new poems, Empedocles on Etna, etc. ? they are
full of genuine beauty, but lack strength and purpose, and
show painfully how an epicurean, making pleasure the chief
good (so far as there is good at all), does virtually annihilate or
sour pleasure ; in a way very satisfactory to me, who always
contend might and main that pleasure is a good and divine.
My<
TO THE REV. C. KlNGSLEY
HARDWICK, CHEPSTOW, December 15^, 1852.
My dear Mr. Kingsley — This is rather late to thank you
for ' Phaethon,' * but you must excuse one of my procrastinating
habits. I put it off in the first instance with the intention of
writing you a long letter, which I afterwards resolved to spare
you. did not show me the letter which he finally sent
you, but I saw his manuscript notes in the margin of his
copy, and also your reply to his letter, besides having had
abundance of talk with him on the subject. The impression
left on my mind exactly coincides with what I have long felt,
that his state of mind cannot effectually be reached by direct
attacks of that kind. It is quiet, incidental observations that
really sink into his mind, and therefore I never seek con
troversy with him, but am always ready to talk freely as much
as ever he likes. I doubt whether you realise how very
deeply his scepticism is seated. . . . His talk brought clearly
before me what might, I think, be expressed more fully in
the Dialogue with advantage, viz. that your doctrine finds an
antagonist not only in a sophistical habit of mind, but in
the honest philosophical (or unphilosophical) opinion that
words ought to be, if they are not always, definite labels of
definite notions, and that it is illogical to give the same
name, ' spirit of truth,' to the vague notion with which
Alcibiades starts, and the notion of a personal Spirit of truth
which is ultimately arrived at ; and that no argument 'drawn
1 Sent to Hort in MS.
238 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
from the accidental coincidence of name can be valid. Now
such an opposition can only be met by acknowledging
candidly and distinctly the plausibility and prima facie prob
ability of the opinion on which it rests, and then pointing
out how nevertheless the instinct of mankind (guided, as you
or I would say, by the Divine Word) has, consciously or un
consciously, discovered and recorded in language affinities
which a deliberate logician, making language, would discard as
tending to confusion. Again, the worshippers of ' subjective
truth' might fairly, I think, come down on you and say,
"All your arguments to prove the superiority of objective
truth will be pertinent enough when you have shown us that
it is within our reach ; till then, forgive us for holding fast by
subjective truth, not from preference but from necessity."
You give the true answer in the latter part of the Dialogue,
by saying that the Spirit of truth reveals truth to men, not
that they discover it for themselves. But I think you do not
exhibit the relation between that part of the Dialogue and the
earlier with sufficient expressness. If I am to cavil, I would
say that you are throughout rather one-sided. This is, I
think, the respect in which you are least Socratic. You start
with a certain definite conclusion in your mind, to which you
conduct your interlocutors. In short, you and your Socrates
are entirely teachers of what you have learned, and not fellow-
learners with Alcibiades and Phaethon. Now in Plato we are
always, I think, feeling our way in certain distinct lines, which
are at last found to converge, though we do not pursue them
(indeed, he could not lead us) to the point of convergence,
but are made to feel that without holding securely certain
sound clues, we shall only lose our way in speculation. And
forgive my expressing a wish that you had put (as I under
stood you intended) a word or two of qualification into
Socrates' last speech, so as to hint that, however absolutely
the light and the power of receiving it are the gift of God,
there must nevertheless be a corresponding act of reception
on the part of man — in short, that he has the awful power of
refusing to receive the fullest light. You asked for all manner
of criticisms, so I have sent them without scruple. — 's plea
for Emerson himself seemed to me very frivolous. Emerson
AGE 24 CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE 239
is full of wise and beautiful sayings, but they no more grow
in him than holly in a plum pudding. You might, perhaps,
have distinguished more clearly between Emerson and his
ill-educated but far from 'uncultivated' sect, though you
certainly were explicit enough for most readers' comprehen
sions, and your main drift was to show that his atheism
implicitly contains and must issue in the debasing superstitions
of which they already give sign. In this I entirely agree, and
had (curiously enough) put on paper a similar prophecy the
night before your MS. arrived. By the way, I hope you will
be glad to learn that old Dr. Mill praised ' Phaethon ' without
qualification, ascending through a climax of phrases to "A
very valuable tract indeed." This letter has somehow spun
itself out to some length, and all about ' Phaethon.' So I will
only wish you and Mrs. Kingsley and all your belongings a
happy Christmas, with all the blessings included in it, and
remain, very affectionately yours, FENTON J. A. HORT.
The above criticisms, as well as those contained
in an earlier letter (on the setting of ' Phaethon '),
were written in the midst of heavy work. Kingsley
was very grateful for the suggestions, "sent straight
to me, instead of twitting me in a review, as three-
quarters of the world would." The criticism of more
important points in the Dialogue induced him to stop
the press, and add three or four pages to his work.
In 1853 Hort began to devote himself more
definitely to work on the lines recently laid down
for himself. But unfortunately interruption came
from health. A troublesome skin disorder, the out
come probably of the scarlet fever of undergraduate
days, was a source of constant vexation now and for
some time to come. It led, at the beginning of 1853,
to his trying the experiment of a water-cure, and he
spent many weeks under the rather irksome condi
tions of Umberslade Hydropathic establishment, near
240 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP.
Knowle. It was during these weeks, in the course of
a walk with Mr. Westcott, who had come to see him
at Umberslade, that the plan of a joint revision of
the text of the Greek Testament was first definitely
agreed upon. The hydropathic experiment was only
a partial success. In April Hort returned to Cam
bridge. In this year he became a Major Fellow of
Trinity, and took his M.A. degree. He undertook
some MS. work in the University Library, and was
appointed examiner for the Le Bas Prize, and for the
Moral Sciences Tripos of 1854.
Meanwhile his circle of friends widened : he had
interesting letters from F. W. Robertson of Brighton,
whom he only knew through correspondence ; he
visited Mr. Augustus Jessopp, to whom he gave
literary help by verifying quotations in the works of
Dr. Donne. Dr. Jessopp recalls that, two years later,
it was Hort who introduced him to Mr. George
Meredith's poems, a volume of which he was carrying
in his pocket. Through the ' Apostles ' he now
became acquainted with Clerk Maxwell, afterwards
one of his greatest Cambridge friends, who in this
year read to the * Apostles ' a paper with the char
acteristically baffling title of ' Idiotic Traps.'
Early in the year Hort had thought of applying to
Archdeacon Hare for a curacy, and in June the offer
was actually made through Maurice, whose influence,
however, decided Hort to remain at Cambridge for the
present. He was reading for Ordination, for which the
Bishop of Oxford accepted his fellowship as sufficient
title. About this time Mr. Daniel Macmillan suggested
to him that he should take part in an interesting and
comprehensive ' New Testament Scheme/ Hort was
to edit the text in conjunction with Mr. Westcott ;
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CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
241
the latter was to be responsible for a commentary,
and Lightfoot was to contribute a New Testament
Grammar and Lexicon. Another piece of work came
upon his shoulders through the death of his friend
Henry Mackenzie.1 He was of the same standing as
Hort, and had come up to Trinity after a brilliant
course at Glasgow. The freshness and vigour of his
mind are shown in many delightful and humorous
letters. In 1851 his health had begun to give way,
and in 1853 he died, after a long and trying illness,
borne with splendid courage and cheerfulness. In
1850 he had obtained the Hulsean Prize for an
essay on * The Beneficial Influence of the Christian
Clergy on European Progress in the First Ten Cen
turies.' During his illness he employed himself in
working up his essay for publication. He was busy
with it till the last, even when he had become too
weak to lift by himself the books by which his bed
was surrounded. After his death it was his mother's
wish that her son's work should be prepared for the
press by his friend Hort, and he cheerfully undertook
the charge. Whewell was much interested in it, and
highly praised the language of the essay. Mackenzie
had compiled an enormous mass of notes, many of
them intended for future use, and not as immediate
illustration of his subject. For instance, according
to his editor, his notes from Bede were " in fact a most
complete analysis of everything of any value in that
author." The work of editing proved heavier than had
been anticipated, and the essay did not appear till the
autumn of 1855. The editor's part was done with
1 Son of Lord Mackenzie, a friend of Sir W. Scott (see Scott's
Journal, vol. i. p. 207, etc.), and grandson of the author of The Man of
Feeling.
VOL. I R
242 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP.
characteristic care and devotion, which were warmly
appreciated by Mackenzie's friends, whose only com
plaint was that the extent of Hort's own work on
Mackenzie's notes did not sufficiently appear. He must
have verified an enormous number of references. One
passage from his introduction to the essay deserves to
be quoted : " Those who knew Henry Mackenzie will
recognise these last few words " (a quotation from a letter
about the essay) " as altogether characteristic of his mind.
They well convey his hatred of all special pleading,
most of all in defence of the Faith which was so dear
to him, along with that trust in history as a guide to
truth which is happily taking possession of the more
thoughtful men of England, France, and Germany."
This sentence shows how nearly akin was Mackenzie's
mind in some important respects to the editor's own.
Maurice's expulsion from his posts at King's
College was of course a great grief to Hort, whose
first introduction to him had been through correspond
ence on the very questions on which Maurice's position
was now pronounced to be heretical. The controversy
needs not to be now revived. Hort's chief part in it
was the circulation of an address of sympathy, which
entailed a great deal of correspondence, and over
which he took endless trouble and care, although the
terms of the address did not altogether satisfy him.
In the winter of 1853 the Journal of Classical and
Sacred Philology was projected, and in 1854 the first
number appeared. Hort took from the first an active
part in establishing this useful publication, which was
described by one of his friends as a " Kitto's Theo
logical Journal, Arnold's Theological Critic, and Dobree's
Adversaria all in one." It received a welcome, amongst
others, from the Chevalier Bunsen. The inception of
IV
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
243
the undertaking was due to Mr. (now the Rev. Pro
fessor) J. E. B. Mayor. The project was warmly
taken up in Trinity, especially by A. A. Vansittart
W. G. Clark, H. A. J. Munro, W. H. Thompson, and
E. M. Cope also helped with criticisms and sugges
tions. The first editors were J. E. B. Mayor, Light-
foot, and Hort. Hort had only just taken his M.A.
degree, and Lightfoot was still a B.A. — a striking
recognition of what was even then expected of these
young scholars. Hort himself wrote largely in the
Journal, articles, reviews, and notes (see Appendix III.)
Meanwhile Hort was diligently preparing for his
Ordination. This was with him no mere matter of
course, required by the existing college statutes ; the
purpose which he had declared when a boy at Rugby
eight years before seems always to have been kept
steadily before him. The careful answer which he gave
shortly after his own Ordination to his friend Blunt's
questions about the nature of a * call ' to take holy
orders, is sufficient evidence of the devout deliberation
with which he had himself taken this step.
In the summer of the same year he went abroad
for the first time, except for the early school-days at
Boulogne. His foreign letters show an extraordinary
vigour of mind and body. It has seemed worth while
to print rather long specimens of them, since they
illustrate his character in more ways than one. Not
least noticeable is his assurance that his family and
friends will care to enter into all that he is seeing and
doing. He did not shrink from the trouble of writing
two or three elaborate accounts of the same events,
each of which shows that he was all the time consider
ing who it was to whom he was writing, and in which
of his experiences that particular correspondent would
244 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
be specially interested. His own vivid imagination
enabled him thoroughly to enjoy the recorded experi
ences of others, and he was therefore eager to share
with others every pleasure that fell to his own lot.
In the last year of his life, a short tour which I took
in Greece was to him the source of almost as much
delight and excitement as if he had been himself carry
ing out the long-cherished desire of seeing Delphi and
Athens, instead of reading of them on a sofa at home.
After this year health generally required that the
time available for foreign travel should be spent in the
Alps. Venice he saw on this first trip, but Florence
and Rome not till thirty years later. This tour lasted
nearly three months. Both before and after it much
time at Cambridge was taken up with the Library
Syndicate — the first appointed — and other reforms now
being discussed in the internal government of the
University. He felt much anxiety about the proposed
changes in the condition of the Bachelor's Degree, and
especially about the proposed introduction of a Theo
logical Tripos. On this subject he wrote a careful
letter to the Spectator, defending the rejection of the
Tripos. He also printed and circulated a pamphlet
on what he considered ' mischievous measures,' but
acquiesced in the scheme which was eventually adopted.
The reasons for his dissatisfaction will better appear at
a later1 stage.
To HIS MOTHER
LILLESHALL, January $th, 1853.
. . . The christening2 passed off very well on Sunday.
Baby behaved with the utmost fortitude, though the water
was not of the sweetest, having been brought from the
1 See p. 275. 2 Of Mr. Gerald Blunt's first child.
AGE 24
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
245
Jordan in a small flask. There was at first some doubt
which was the Jordan flask and which the Dead Sea flask !
You would have been amused to see me on Friday night
at the Lilleshall school feast, surrounded by some dozen
little girls, who were eagerly being puzzled, and in turn
puzzling me with making words out of card letters. How
ever, we got on famously. Much love to all, specially to
yourself for to-morrow, and, I hope, many happy to-morrows.
Ever your affectionate son, FENTON J. A. HORT.
To THE REV. F. D. MAURICE
LILLESHALL, NEWPORT, SALOP,
January $th, 1853.
My dear Mr. Maurice — Let me at once thank you for your
Sabbath sermons. . . . The volume was very delightful to me
on several accounts ; on this especially, that, without masking
or in any wise glozing over a single conviction which it was
needful for you to utter boldly, you have avoided giving need
less offence to many candid and reasonable but timid readers.
You have sometimes seemed to me, in your anxiety not to
quench the smoking flax of earnest men assailed by scepticism,
to have been too careless of those who are similarly assailed
by pseudo-orthodoxy. But it is not so in this little volume.
The latter class is seldom attended to but by merely mis
chievous teachers ; yet it is a very large and important one.
I have been often astonished to find how honest and godly a
spirit is hidden under a pharisaical intellect and even speech.
Thousands, I suspect, who might easily be led into the fulness
of truth, would be stopped at the threshold by anything which
seemed to interfere with their devotion to their Bible or their
Church, as the case might be. The claims of sceptics are
beginning to be acknowledged (and at all events are sufficiently
canted about), but it will be no less necessary to recognize the
claims of the orthodox. . . . But to return to your book.
. . . There is another view — what some people would call
the common-sense view — which you hardly meet : . . . surely
there are numbers in all classes, really needing the divine
246 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
message, who would be tempted away by pleasurable excite
ment from the most perfect and divine preacher of it. If our
lips lost all their coldness and insincerity, there would still be
multitudes, by no means thoroughly vicious, who would not
listen to them. I do not say that this consideration necessarily
vitiates your conclusion, but it ought to be remembered. . . .
Of the perfect truth of the principles you have laid down I
have no sort of doubt. I hope it is not wrong to rest un
decided about their application. While on the subject I may
as well call your attention to a suggestive note of Dorner's
(you will find it by the word 'Sonntag' in the index: mine
is the second edition), which I was looking at the other day ;
it illustrates much that you say, and connects the Sabbath
with a thought that has often occurred to me, how important
is the view which the conflict with gnosticism led the early
Fathers to take of our Lord's life and ministry, as especially
the work of One who was the Creator. By the way, I think
you will find that the modern pharisaical view of the Sabbath
mainly dates from Constantine's enactments on the subject.
This ought to have some weight with religious people.
I am not anxious to decide too hastily whether to continue
and complete my Essay on the Apologists or not. It might
be published in a way which would not show any defiance to
the Examiners (let me observe in passing that, though bigotry
may have interfered with my success, the very fragmentary and
unfinished state in which the production was sent in is quite
as likely to have stood in my way). And it would be affecta
tion to say that I do not think it contains good matter, worthy
of being published. But on the other hand, many things have
long been leading me to feel that, unless I receive some
clear intimation otherwise, my work must chiefly lie in Church
History, especially in connexion with the previous and con
temporary state of the world. So that a good deal of what I
have now worked out might be used up years hence in other
forms. Still I confess I have a hankering after trying to say
something on the real nature of Apologetics • and the historical
seems the most appropriate and effectual form to use, at
all events for me. The upshot of the matter is that I shall
probably send or bring you my rough copy of the MS., and
AGE 24
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
247
ask you to look at it and give me your advice, though I can
not promise explicitly to follow it.
I am staying with Blunt for a few days for the baptism of
his little girl, to whom I am godfather. He sends kind regards
from self and wife to you and Mrs. Maurice. . . . All manner
of best New Year's wishes to yourself, Mrs. Maurice, and the
boys (who, I hope, have not quite forgotten me). — Ever yours
affectionately, FENTON J. A. HORT.
What a pleasure to see a Government expressly repudiating
any ' interest ' or party !
but
To THE REV. GERALD BLUNT
UMBERSLADE, January ztyh, 1853.
A great deal of time will necessarily be wasted here,
but I shall never lack something to do, having brought with me
my botanical books, Origen against Celsus, Tertullian's Apology,
Dorner on the Person of Christ, Tauler's Sermons, a book of
Erskine's, Thiersch's Church History, Gk. Test, (and have
written for De Wette's Commentary), Palgrave's History of
Normandy, Niebuhr's Lectures on Ancient History, etc.
To THE REV. GERALD BLUNT
UMBERSLADE, February \^th, 1853.
. . . The failure with Hare * and Maurice's strong request
(for such it is) not to leave Cambridge form, I think, a very
decided call to me to give up the curacy idea altogether
for the present, and to look resolutely at Cambridge as my
sphere of work for some time to come. Perhaps I ought
to add my Fellowship (as Maurice does) as a third call ;
but 1 don't feel that so strongly as he does. So heigho ! my
doom is lectures and chapels and gyps, and for my new
master's gown to get rusty-fusty by brushing against dons at
the high table, instead of being scraped by rickety pulpits
in the effort to speak the words of life to men, women, and
1 i.e. to obtain a curacy at Hurstmonceux.
248 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
children. Well ! that too has its blessings and advantages,
especially perhaps for me, though I am more impatient of it
than most would be.
Macmillan wants to know whether you have heard anything
from Bunsen about the MS. of Muratori's fragment on the
Canon ; but I told him the Chevalier had not been at Lilies-
hall for ages.
. . . Bunsen wrote very kindly to send me an extract from
a MS. of his father about the ' Star of the Messiah,' which
he had mentioned in his last sermon and I had catechised
him about ; and also to comment on my message about
Lachmann. My answer was a long and, I fear, not very
temperate onslaught on the last-named personage.
To THE REV. JOHN ELLERTON
UMBERSLADE HALL, HOCKLEY HEATH,
BIRMINGHAM, February zoth, 1853.
My dear Ellerton — Our letters have somehow become
rather angelic in their frequency of late, so I will not delay
longer to give you some account of this place and the rather
peculiar life here. . . .
Maurice is going to preach sermons and make a book 1 on
Unitarianism, from money left him some time ago by a lady.
And he is hard at work on his Warburtonians and History of
Philosophy. I have seen two or three sheets of the latter, and
much of the former. In the latter he describes many of the
Fathers — always well but still quite imperfectly. I feel more
and more that he is right in calling his books collections of
hints. But they seem to me every day more pregnant, even
where one-sided.
To THE REV. GERALD BLUNT
UMBERSLADE, March 6th, 1853.
... I have only looked at Visiting my Relations enough
to make me wish to read it, without caring much about it. I
1 See the advertisement to Maurice's Theological Essays, dated May 24,
1853.
AGE 24
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
249
have a dreadful suspicion from your words that you have been
misled, like many others, by type, etc., into ascribing it to
Helps ; but any one page ought to undeceive you. It is by an
old lady who lives at Newmarket. I have just read Esmond^
which you certainly should get hold of as soon as possible ;
it is a right wise and noble book, though not one in a
thousand will appreciate it. I cannot forbear sending you a
bit which I copied, as strangely echoing what I have so often
felt and uttered to you. Please send it back. It reads
artificial on paper, but it is true. I hope you noticed a
review in the Guardian (last but three) of the Heir of
Reddyffe. The extract given, a scene in Switzerland, makes me
long to read the book.
To MR. HENRY BRADSHAW
UMBERSLADE HALL, BIRMINGHAM, March 30^, 1853.
My dear Bradshaw — I have been intending to write to you
nearly every day for the last two months ; but, as you know
something of the multitude of my intentions, and the paucity
of the accomplishments thereof, you will not be surprized that
I have not written. Gorham or Scott will doubtless have told
you how it is that I have been absent from Cambridge ; so I
will not repeat, but only add that I am getting on satisfactorily
but slowly. . . . But I am far from dull here. I have many
more books with me than I can possibly read, and really do
not find time to look at them much. Going through the text
of St. Paul's Epistles and dabbling in Oriental alphabets are
almost my only work. Baths and the disciplinal exercise
before and after baths take up much of the day ; and so do
billiards, battledore, and (in the evening) cards. We have
also abundance of music of all kinds, as one of the patients is
Miss Stevens, the great singer, who is an exceedingly good
performer, and is never tired of playing or of helping others to
sing. So that we often get up something like quartetts and
choruses, and have learnt a good part of the ' Elijah ' after a
fashion.
You and Gorham (but especially Gorham) are never
250 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
sufficiently to be anathematized for allowing our Cambridge
music1 to drop in that disgraceful manner. I cannot
imagine what spirit of laziness and discord can have possessed
you.
I did the pilgrimage to Stratford-on-Avon, but felt sadly
unpoetic. However, it was a real pleasure to see Shakspere's
tomb with one's own eyes, and though I wrote no verses
about it, I trust I did at least as much homage as those who
do. ... I forgot to mention that Anglo-Saxon is one of my
'intentions,' and I expect every day the requisite books from
Cambridge. I wish you would learn it too : every educated
Englishman ought to know it. If you see Ellerton (supposing
him to be alive, of which I have my doubts), please give him
a dig in the ribs, and let it be a severe one ; his own con
science will tell him the why. Write soon, like a good fellow,
such as is not your affectionate friend,
FENTON J. A. HORT.
To THE REV. JOHN ELLERTON
UMBERSLADE HALL, BIRMINGHAM, April igth, 1853.
. . . Hydropathy has done me some good, but not much,
and I am impatient to get to Cambridge from the expense
and idleness of this place. I have not seen anybody that
I know except Westcott, whom, being with his wife at his
father's at Moseley, close to Birmingham, a fortnight ago, I
visited for a few hours. One result of our talk I may as well
tell you. He and I are going to edit a Greek text of the N. T.
some two or three years hence, if possible. Lachmann and
Tischendorf will supply rich materials, but not nearly enough ;
and we hope to do a good deal with the Oriental versions.
Our object is to supply clergymen generally, schools, etc., with
a portable Gk. Test., which shall not be disfigured with
Byzantine corruptions. But we may find the work too irk
some.
1 i.e. the Choral Club.
AGE 25 CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE 251
To REV. B. F. WESTCOTT
teuMBERSLADE, April l^tk, 1853.
. We have been having abundance of pleasant music
Miss Stevens brought over the other day from Bir-
0___im Rossini's * Stabat Mater,' which I was very anxious
to hear, being puzzled with the strong opinions expressed both
for and against it. However, if I am right, the discrepance
is easily explained : it seems to me to have a great deal of very
fine music in it, but to be utterly unspiritual, and, as applied
>to these words, absolutely blasphemous. This morning we
sang one of the least inappropriate movements, the In-
flammatus, with the chorus In die juditii, immediately after
having gone through the ' Mount of Olives,' and then we sang
the Kyrie of Mozart's 'Twelfth Mass,' and you may imagine
the dreadful earthiness it had between two such neighbours.
To THE REV. GERALD BLUNT
CAMBRIDGE, May 2$th, 1853.
. . . The journey to Cambridge would not have been
unpleasant but for two malefactors who smoked weeds (in the
strictest sense of the word) of genuine home growth. And
when it got cold, I dared not shut the window for fear of being
poisoned. Ultimately I entered Trinity as it was striking
twelve, after a more delightful day than I have had for months,
or am likely to have for many more. I lighted my fire, made
tea, got in my easy-chair, and, as I looked at the backs of the
critical books on my table, came with bitter decision to a
conclusion the very opposite of that which was the ' Professor's'
under similar circumstances. So you will see there is hope
for me yet. I sought in vain for a book that would not be
discordant : the Psalms would hardly do with one's tea, and
ultimately I had recourse to In Memoriam as the best food
I could find ; but still one wanted some moral marmalade to
that bread of tears and water of affliction.
252 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
To THE REV. JOHN ELLERTON
CAMBRIDGE, June $tk, 1853.
... I am very glad you like Bradshaw ; I have certainly
taken a great fancy to him ; it is always a pleasure to be with him.
Perhaps I may go on with the Hulsean Essay — indeed, last
night I analyzed a little Origen for it — but it is doubtful, as
the labor will be very great, and perhaps not commensurate
with the very moderate worth. But at times I feel vehement
bursts of anxiety to finish it, and say my say on divers points
of history and of Christian Evidences, which I should shrink
from putting in any other form.
Hare has just been made a royal preacher. I hear his
reception the other day at Hurstmonceux on his return with
restored health was most delightful. By the way, while I
think of it, I should mention that, as a compliment, Peterbro'
Deanery was offered to old Sedgwick, who refused it by
return of post.
About Mat. Arnold ... I know few finer and more ex
quisite things in modern objective (i.e. quasi-objective) poetry
than Callicles' final song and some other parts of Empedocles.
Tristram and Iseult I liked less at first ; but I read it to the
three Blunts, who have all excellent taste, and they were
enchanted with it, and I have come pretty nearly to their
view of it. I know nothing of Preciosa. Margaret Fuller
is a wonderful book — too much so to talk of now ; it has,
I hope, made me more charitable to America, and more
thankful for elements of English life which we take as a matter
of course like daily bread : it is as sad a search for freedom
without obedience as the world has often seen.
To HIS MOTHER
CAMBRIDGE, June \^th, 1853.
. . . Cambridge is always very enjoyable at this time of
the year ; and I have been wishing that you could see it now,
to take away the hard and frosty recollections of it which you
seem to have carried away from your last visit. One is never
AGK 25
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
253
tired of looking up or down the narrow aisle of tall limes at
the back of Trinity, with the blue sky quivering through the
delicate green young leaves at the top of the long, long arch,
and the huge, cumbrous old horse-chestnuts with their white
spikes (men in surplices climbing up green mountains, as
somebody called them) seen between the trunks of the avenue.
One of the appurtenances of a Fellowship is a key of the
'Roundabout' or Fellows' garden of Trinity, a badly kept
place, consisting of a great roundish meadow with a gravel
walk bordered with shrubs round it, and here and there
straggling beds of flowers ; it is a most delightful place for an
after-dinner stroll in this colourless region, and we have been
revelling in its lilacs, laburnums, and barberries, but they are
fading now. Three or four weeks ago we had plenty of
Daphne Cneorum, just as it used to be in the green garden at
Leopardstown. By the way, I do not think I have told you
of another privilege I now possess, which will make you laugh :
I can walk across the turf about the College without being
fined half-a-crown ! The College is nearly empty. I have
no one on my staircase, and to-day we were but four at table
in Hall. Fortunately one of these is Sedgwick, who has but
lately been released from his duties at Norwich, and he keeps
everybody alive.
To THE REV. GERALD BLUNT
CAMBRIDGE, June iqth, 1853.
. . Soon after I left you in London, I went with Babington
to pay W. H. Stokes (of Caius) a visit in his newly-occupied
living at Denver, just out of the fens twelve miles below Ely.
You know he was one of our Ray fellows. We walked and
drove to divers places in the neighbourhood, botanizing, anti-
quarianizing, ecclesiologizing, etc. We were not far from the
scene of the great floods of the winter (indeed there was a
tolerable lake still), and the sight of what had been rich corn
fields utterly desolate and bedraggled with mud and rubbish,
waste and useless for many months to come, made a stronger
impression than I could at all have anticipated.
This has been the week of the 'Apostles" dinner. On
254 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
Tuesday I went to London, and to a concert of the Musical
Union at Willis' Rooms, which was a treat indeed. The per
formers were a M. Hiller, pianoforte ; Vieuxtemps and Goffrie,
violins ; Blagrove, viola ; and Piatti, violoncello. We had first
an exquisite stringed quartet of Haydn's, full of sportive fairy
music ; but then came such a trio of Beethoven's (piano,
violin, and violoncello). At the third or fourth bar one was
shivering through and through, yet that was nothing to what
came soon after. The second movement did indeed lift one
up, I don't know where. There were the vast disadvantages of
being alone without a soul that I knew in the room, of the
room itself being much too large for so small a body of sound
so subtly modulated, of my being rather far off, and of my
unfamiliarity with the music ; but still there was a taste of
heaven about it, and one thought that after all, in moderation,
the angels with their harps may not be such a bore as they
sometimes appear, — at least, if they play Beethoven. Our third
piece was a very fine quartet of Mendelssohn's, which it was
hard to do justice to after its predecessor.
Next morning I got to early service (eight) at Lincoln's Inn,
waited for Maurice, and went to breakfast with him. He was
in excellent spirits, and I had a very delightful talk on many
subjects, which I prolonged by walking with him to Somerset
House. ... At last we got to dinner (the ' Apostles' '), but
it was rather a dull affair, our numbers being small, and our
best members wanting. Maurice had to preach at the open
ing of the church of some High Church friend ; Thompson
was at Ely, being made a canon of (i.e. being 'bored,' as
somebody explained it) ; Stephen was ill ; Monckton Milnes
was at the Queen's state ball ; and Trench, Alford, Blakesley,
and others were away on different accounts.
Next morning I was up rather late, but was at the Exhibi
tion soon after twelve by appointment to meet Ellerton, who
came up for the day. We went carefully over all the chief
rooms of the Exhibition, and saw it very well. I got to under
stand and appreciate the Pre-Raphaelite pictures much better
than on the former day, particularly the ' Proscribed Royalist '
and 'Claudio and Isabella,'1 tho' I still object to the direc-
1 By Holman Hunt.
AGE 25
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
255
tion of Isabella's eyes. Montague's * Children, they have
nailed Him to a Cross,' also improved much on acquaintance.
Ellerton and I, after leaving the Exhibition, went into the
Green Park, and sat and talked there till it was time for him
to go, and then took a boat for London Bridge. I never
was at that London Bridge Station before, and I can't say
what a strange thrill it gave me (and I daresay will, more
or less, all my life) to see it and be in it. There is interest
enough in its being the gate from this dear confined island to
the mysterious world beyond seas ; but it was naturally linked
in my mind with several departures for the Continent, in which
I have had a deep interest. . . . Next morning at eight I re
turned hither. And now you have a full account of all my
doings, the rest of the time since I saw you having been spent
in doing nothing, except burrowing in the libraries among MSS.
The other day, in one of them, I came upon a monkish
couplet, which gave me a rough, savage sensation of pleasure
by stirring up a concentration of all one's antipathies into action
against itself. Here it is for your benefit —
Femina corpus^ opes, animani^ vini^ himina, vocetn
Polluit, anni/iilat, necat, eripit^ orbat, acerbat.
Could more atrocities be condensed into two lines ?
By degrees I am getting through my arrears of novels. I
have finished Villette and Ruth^ both of which are most excel
lent, and make one proud of one's country. I know scarcely
any book equal to Ruth in holiness and tenderness. Truly,
we parsons have no monopoly of preaching the Gospel nowa
days. Cyrilla I have heard abused on good authority, but
the four chapters which I have hitherto read are delightful,
and quite equal to The Initials}-
To HIS MOTHER
CAMBRIDGE, July 6tA, 1853.
... I doubt whether I have mentioned an employment which
I have undertaken, which is, along with two or three others -
1 By Baroness Tautphoeus.
2 The most active of these was C. B. Scott.
256 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
(who happen to be friends of my own), to examine minutely
and form a catalogue raisonnee of the theological Manuscripts
in the University Library. At first I began en amateur, but
am now formally placed on the committee by the Pitt Press
Syndicate, with power of taking out MSS. It is slow and
laborious work, but often very interesting; and one picks up
indirectly a good deal of knowledge which may be of great use
hereafter, and would be almost impossible to acquire in any
other way.
To THE REV. GERALD BLUNT
CAMBRIDGE, /«£/ 1 4^, \ g
BRIGHTON, July 2$rd, ) 5->'
. . . Degree time was very pleasant from the number of
old faces and hands, though the last gathering of an University
' year ' for the lifetimes of most of its members is rather a
gloomy occasion. Unluckily - - asked me to look over the
proofs of his Latin Essay, which he had to recite in the Senate
House ; and, as it abounded in atrocious blunders from first
to last, it took me from twenty to thirty hours. - came
to my rooms several times and talked very pleasantly, and still
more so when we strolled out in the warm evening and wound
in and out among the flowers and green turf of the Trinity
Roundabout. He seemed overflowing with quiet happiness,
and it did one good to see him.
Three or four weeks ago I, after divers refusals, accepted an
invitation from Jessopp 1 to visit him and his wife at Papworth
St. Agnes, not far from St. Ives, from Saturday to Monday. I
went, and stayed till Tuesday, and have not often had three
pleasanter days. On the Tuesday they drove me over to
Cambridge, as Jessopp wished to join me a little in collating
MS. in our Library; so we spent the afternoon collating,
while Mrs. Jessopp looked out references in St. Gregory in
another part of the Library, and then we went to dinner in
my rooms ; but lo and behold ! my bedmaker was not aware
of my arrival, and had not appeared ; so there was the dinner
waiting and no preparation made for it ! Luckily we found in
1 Now the Rev. Augustus Jessopp, D.D.
AGE 25
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
257
my cupboard a tablecloth, some bread, four knives, and some
teaspoons. So I lighted a fire to warm the plates, and then
rushed off to the nearest friend's rooms in quest of forks,
spoons, and, above all, salt. I arrived first at 's, and burst
in upon him as he was sitting over his wine with a prim
Oxford Fellow of Magdalen. However, there was no help for
it but to explain my strange mission, and I bore off in triumph
the needful plate and salt wrapped up in scribbling paper. At
length we got to dinner ; it was a scrambling affair, a kind of
domestic picnic, but far from unpleasant, as both my guests
entered fully into the fun of the thing, and made themselves
useful in divers ways.
A large proportion of our year seemed to have taken unto
themselves wives and babies, though they seemed shy of bring
ing them up for ' the year ' to see. So that I felt more than
ever like what Sedgwick gave the other day as the definition
of a Fellow to a French guest of his, who had supposed us
to be ' eleves — in fact, a kind of professeursj — namely, ' a
Protestant monk,' a frere, and no more. However, there
was hope in our good vice-master's further explanation that
we differed from French monks in being allowed to marry.
"What! can your Feloes marry?" "Oh yes! exceedingly,"
shouted old Sedgwick, in great excitement, adding soon after
with equal energy, " A man's thought a most wretched fellow,
if he doesn't marry when he leaves us ! " You may imagine
my amusement at the whole scene ; but the dear old * Feloe '
evidently spoke feelingly.
I got a line from Maurice saying that he had just been at
Hurstmonceux, where Hare asked him if he could recommend
a. curate. Maurice mentioned me "as at least possible," and
Hare "was evidently much pleased," and "begged him to
make me the offer," " which," says Maurice, " I do accordingly."
" If," he proceeds, " you have made up your mind to stay at
Cambridge, I shall think you are doing very right ; but, if you
wish for a curacy, Hurstmonceux has certainly many recom
mendations," etc. etc. I wrote by return of post how much I
was tempted by the offer, but gave the substance of my letter
to you ; but said
Cambridge,
VOL. I
unless
I still thought it my duty to stay at
I had some decided call to leave it,
S
258 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
and I could not consider such an offer as such, however
alluring.
I had to lionise and help a pleasant young German, Dr.
Osiander, who came accredited by Maurice and Bunsen, being
sent over by the German Orientalists to see the contents of the
Arabic MSS. in England. I took him to Power, and got him
access to the valuable Arabic MSS. of the University Library,
where he found much of interest, and talked of coming
again.
I am glad you enjoy Ruth. I understand, and perhaps
partly agree with, your objection, which I have heard before.
The best answer to it, I think, is,— that Mrs. Gaskell does not
mean to say that Ruth did not know she was sinning. You
must remember that, when she entered the carriage, she thought
she was going to be driven home^ and Mrs. Gaskell's delicacy
has, perhaps not wisely, allowed us to see nothing whatever of
her till two months later, in Wales. That Ruth's conscience
had not been silent is, I think, clearly implied in many of
her subsequent thoughts and sayings. My own feeling is that
no sin can be so great but that circumstances may reduce the
guilt to a very small remnant, and no sin so small that any
amount of circumstances can altogether take away its guilt.
Now Mrs. Gaskell's object primarily was to show how the fall
of a creature like Ruth could take place easily and naturally
without any great previous moral depravation, and how many
natural and harmless circumstances tend in such cases to
diminish the guilt. Perhaps it is better as it is \ but my com
plaint would rather be that she has not put her case strongly
enough. That any so tempted should ever keep from falling
is to me one of the most stupendous of miracles : I wonder
how many of us men could so stand.
To THE REV. G. M. GORHAM
HARDWICK, CHEPSTOW, September i^th, 1853.
... I hope that meanwhile you have been getting on
swimmingly with the Hulsean. I should have been glad to
have been of any service to you, but really I have known but
AGE 25
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
259
little (and fear I have mostly forgotten that) beyond the
chronology of some four or five select Bishops of Rome, or
rather some points in their chronology, for I have never
worked even that out to completion. With the first two or
three Bishops of Rome (and their relation to St. Peter) and
the history of the other sees I have hardly meddled at all,
though hoping to study them well some day or other. But
the subject is far more extensive than it looks at first sight.
The best book, I imagine, is Rothe's Anfdnge der Christlichen
Kirche, which has not been translated ; and Ritschl and
Bunsen (not Hippolytus, but Ignatius von Antiochien und seine
Zeit\ not to mention others, should be consulted, though of
course not to the exclusion of others, such as Pearson, Dodwell,
Pagi, etc. But, after all, the whole labour may be superfluous,
for the last book that I read before leaving Cambridge, Mr.
Shepherd's so-called History of Rome (which seems to be
written to show that it has no history, as Daille wrote On the
Use of the Fathers, to show that they were of no use), left two
serious doubts sticking in my mind — (i) whether Rome ever
existed, and (2) whether there were ever any Bishops of
Rome. The second doubt must be left for future considera
tion ; the first I am inclined to embrace at once, as it would
save one a world of troubles and annoyances of all kinds, and
Dr. Cumming's occupation would at once be gone. However,
I suppose the 'vested interests' will prevent that desirable
consummation from being accepted as credible.
To HIS MOTHER
CAMBRIDGE, October 24^, 1853.
... I spent yesterday at Harrow with my friend Westcott,
and came back this afternoon, or rather evening, after a very
pleasant visit. I was very glad of the opportunity of seeing
Harrow, the new Rugby. No one can doubt its excellencies,
but it rather disappointed me, and is certainly in some respects
unequal to Rugby. In the morning Rendall 1 preached a
most excellent sermon in the School Chapel. ... He came
1 The Rev. F. Rendall, Hort's first classical tutor at Cambridge.
260 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
in in the evening to see me, and talked with much kindness
and interest. In the afternoon Dr. Vaughan preached, and
pleased me much. After chapel we walked up to see the
noble church, which, as I daresay you know, is beautifully
placed on the top of a hill rising abruptly on all sides but
one from the great plain of London, and the view is so exten
sive that I could see the Crystal Palace at Sydenham across
London on one side, and Windsor Castle on the other, though
it was not a very clear day. Between services we took a stroll
with Bradby,1 an old Rugby friend of mine, a late scholar of
Balliol, who has likewise become a master of Harrow; and
talking to him at Harrow seemed really to recall Rugby days.
To THE REV. JOHN ELLERTON
CAMBRIDGE, October 31 st, 1853.
... I must write you a line to tell you, if you do not know
it already, that Maurice was expelled from King's College by
a vote of the Council on Thursday last. They met a fortnight
earlier, when the correspondence between him and Jelf, which
has been going on all the Long, was placed printed in the
hands of the members to digest. Gladstone and Anderson,
who were unavoidably absent Thursday last, wrote to the
Council earnestly pressing them to delay, but in vain : Jelf
would not allow him even to lecture on English literature the
next day. He was condemned exclusively on the last Essay,
Jelf's charges being — (i) that he " threw a cloudiness about the
meaning of the word 'eternal'"; and (2) that he seemed to
tend towards the belief that the wicked might perhaps find
mercy at last, — or words to that effect. All the correspondence
is printed, but I have seen only Maurice's last letter to Jelf;
the whole will be published in a few days. That letter is
crushing. I fear he loses ^500 a year at one swoop, which
he can ill afford, but it remains to be seen whether any one
will have the courage to give him a living or institute him.
He has no idea whether the Bishop of London will take any
further step against him in propria persona. My own feeling
1 The late Rev. E. H. Bradby, D.D.
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
is that a considerable number of High Churchmen will support
him. On the first head he only repeats Plato's doctrine, which
Augustine lays down in the most emphatic terms in the Con
fessions ; on the second he goes no further than is implied
in prayers for the dead.
To THE REV. GERALD BLUNT
CAMBRIDGE, November ^th, 1853.
. . . First of all I must give you some details of the sad
event which is haunting my mind incessantly. All the Long
Maurice and Jelf have been having a correspondence about
the former's Essay on Eternal Life and Death. When it had
reached a certain point, crowned with Jelf's final charge, they
agreed that the whole should be printed, as containing all that
Jelf had to say against him. Maurice in like manner was to
write and print a final answer. These two documents were
placed in the hands of the King's College Council, at their
first meeting for the term yesterday three weeks, at which
meeting great altercation is said to have passed between his
friends and opponents. They took a fortnight to read and
digest, and yesterday week met again. Having heard that
they considered his tone to Jelf disrespectful, he appeared
before the meeting to say that in this matter he stood to
Jelf not in the relation of inferior to superior, but of ac
cused to accuser. Jelf made some euphuistic reply, and
Maurice retired. The result of the meeting was a vote for
Maurice's expulsion from both his Professorships. What the
majority was is not known. A statement in the papers that
Gladstone was the only dissentient is pure fiction, proceeding
from a violent letter in the Morning Herald, in which this
statement was made rather doubtfully, as a belief. Both
Gladstone and James Anderson were unable to be present,
and both wrote strong letters, intended to be shown to the
Council, most strongly protesting against unseemly haste in so
solemn a matter, and urging them on no account to come to
a vote that afternoon ; but their exhortations were vain. On
the receipt of the minutes of the Council, Maurice wrote to
262 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
the secretary to ask whether the Council wished him to continue
at his post till a successor should be appointed ; Jelf sent back
a message that he would never be allowed to deliver another
lecture in King's College. And so the matter stands. Jelf s
publication, i.e. the correspondence with later footnotes, if
not out already in London, will probably be out to-morrow ;
Maurice's publication, i.e. his final letter to Jelf, also with a
few notes and an explanatory preface, will be out soon after.
You shall have them as soon as they are both out. I have
seen the original of the latter, which is a masterpiece of calm,
clear, controversial writing ; it will be an historical document to
future Church historians. ... I hear that Maurice included in
his first letter to Jelf (which is, of course, printed) a verbatim
copy of the greater part of his letter1 to me. Indeed, his
whole defence seems to have been an expansion of that letter,
with an indignant repudiation of Universalism, although that
is just the charge for which most people suppose he has been
condemned. I ought to add that Jelf (and, I believe, the
Council) urged Maurice to resign quietly, but he positively
refused, denying that a professor at King's College could be
subjected to any test of orthodoxy beyond the Creeds, Prayer-
book, and Articles, all of which he cheerfully accepted.
Maurice desires every one to know, therefore, that it was an
expulsion. The first public intimation of the fact was a
paragraph in the Morning Herald, stating that unbounded
indignation at the dismissal prevailed in King's College and
elsewhere. Next day appeared the letter I have mentioned,
protesting against the paragraph. There was also a pretty
good article in the Chronicle on Maurice's behalf, but written in
ignorance that the vote was already past. . . . The Record you
will doubtless have seen, as also its extracts from the Morning
Advertiser. I send you the Guardian^ which writes under a
misapprehension of facts, but is very kind and generous;
pray note also O. P.'s extravagant but noble letter. The
English Churchman^ misapprehending the real charge, expresses
kind regret at a result which they approve, but awaits the
publication of documents. These are all the public notices I
know of. A letter from Sir J. Stephen to Macmillan says it
1 See pp. 116-123.
AGE 25
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
has caused no small stir in London. Here Hardwick and
Harvey Goodwin seem to give a kind of neutral adhesion to
Maurice. My own feeling is that a large proportion of High
Churchmen will stand by him : I am sure they will mainly
agree with him. If they speak out, an immense good will
indeed arise out of this present evil, and we shall have one
more proof how the antient Catholic faith is the only one
really capable of meeting the wants of the age. Meanwhile it
is a time of great anxiety for us all. The feeling seems general,
that the matter will have to be tried before the Bishop of
London as Bishop of London, and ultimately before the higher
courts, and God only knows what the end will be. ... General
indifference seems to prevail here, though divers individuals are
deeply interested. Plans of testimonials, etc., have been talked
of, but will, I hope and think, come to nothing : unless they
carried the weight of names of known and established ortho
doxy, they would be worse than useless; but I think every
one who is grateful to Maurice ought to send him a line of
sympathy privately. Kingsbury, whom I regard as by far
Maurice's ablest and most intelligent theological disciple, has,
I rejoice to say, written most warmly and energetically.
Now for your letters. I rejoice to hear of the pony : it
will be the thing of things for you. Something physical of
the kind is excellent to let off one's steam. Football is good,
and fighting, and dancing (such as, I hope, the Church of the
Future will see and foster) ; but under existing circumstances
a gallop across country must be not a bad substitute, and, in
spite of my own incapacity, I quite enter into Kingsley's
praise of the moral worth of hunting.
I am bound to say that I never met with a purer and
holier mind than Novalis'. He is always fundamentally
reverent in treating of mysteries, but he is fond of mysteries,
and of comparing one with another, and that the English
mind habitually is not. He is certainly no atheist, but a warm
Lutheran, with perhaps a faint Romeward hankering; but,
like every great mystic, has a considerable infusion of what, if
carried out, would amount to Pantheism ; and being a Ger
man, a philosopher, and a poet, he is especially open to that
temptation.
264 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
... I suspect you are too anxious to find ' plain ' enough
texts. I don't know any really plain subjects in the Bible : the
plainness should lie in the treatment. I can't now discuss
Maurice's doctrine about the Resurrection, etc. Much seems
to me good. . . . Carlyle's Cromwell is certainly not such
pleasant reading as his Sterling, but is still very valuable and
interesting j remember that it is not a biography but a series
of documents, ' with elucidations.' My Novel I have not yet
read.
I have undertaken to edit poor Henry Mackenzie's Hul-
sean Essay (who died at last some three weeks ago) for his
mother, and she wants it to be out by Christmas, if possible.
I went down and spent a Sunday with Westcott at Harrow
very pleasantly, and saw divers old friends. We came to
a distinct and positive understanding about our Gk. Test,
and the details thereof. We still do not wish it to be talked
about, but are going to work at once, and hope we may
perhaps have it out in little more than a year. This, of course,
gives me good employment. I have likewise University MSS.
work, Trinity Library MS. work, ordination work, Apologists
work, and general reading, so am tolerably occupied.
Love to your wife and to the thing with the dear little
hands. — From your ever affectionate friend,
FENTON J. A. HORT.
To HIS MOTHER
CAMBRIDGE, November $th, 1853.
. . . Your query about the Moral Sciences Examinership
I partly answered last week. It will certainly take some read
ing, though not, I hope, an exorbitant amount, the subjects I
shall chiefly have to look up being Political Economy and
General Jurisprudence. But my present plan (in which I am
much encouraged by the friends here whom I have consulted)
is — (i) not to confine myself to the special books or divisions
embraced in the Professor's lectures, but to take my questions
from the subjects at large, with a preference for such as bring
out principles of general application; and (2) to try, according
AGE 25
:AMBRIDGE :
FATE LIFE
to the original idea of the Tripos, to bind the five sciences
together by asking questions which bear on the mutual con
nexion of the sciences, and the joint application of them to
practice in actual history. This will be an innovation upon
the doings — I cannot speak of a custom^ where there have
been but three examinations — of my two predecessors, who
have contented themselves with cramming into one paper
questions on the special subjects of five sciences, similar and
supplementary to those of the Professors. But I feel sure
that the change will be generally approved. I was somewhat
amazed and amused two days ago to be told that I had just
been elected a member of the Council of the Philosophical
Society. Fortunately the inspection of papers is rather of a
routine kind, for otherwise there would be something ludicrous
indeed in my sitting in judgement on Augustus de Morgan's
mathematical disquisitions, which form a large proportion of
our papers.
To THE REV. JOHN ELLERTON
CAMBRIDGE, December nth, 1853.
... I hope you got the pamphlets about dear Maurice's
sad affair. It is too long to talk much about now ; but you
will be glad to hear that at the second meeting (at which the
vote of censure was passed) Gladstone, who moved an amend
ment, was not the only opponent of Jelf ; indeed, at the first
or preliminary meeting there was great fighting, but between
whom, I have not heard. At the third meeting the Bishop of
Lichfield and Milman formally protested against the rejection
of Maurice's protest and appeal. Others (e.g. Judge Patteson)
were also on his side, but how far, I know not. Edition 2nd,
greatly altered, is just coming out ; he will publish the new
preface and last Essay separately. The former I have
seen, and it is a most beautiful, dignified, gentle piece of
writing.
Last week I wrote to S. Oxon, asking his leave to be
ordained in Lent, and I have had a very kind letter of
consent.
266 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
To THE REV. B. F. WESTCOTT
HARDWICK, CHEPSTOW, December 31^, 1853 ;
January 3n/, 1854.
. . . You will doubtless have been following with interest
the incidents of Maurice's expulsion from King's College,
which took place just after I left you.
... I have been astonished at the small number of even
thoughtful men at Cambridge who were able to recognise the
distinction between time and eternity. The prevalent idea
seemed to be that, right or wrong, Maurice had invented it to
meet a particular case. No one seemed to enter into the
impossibility of a theology, or of the existence of a spiritual
world, without it. Thompson was the only one I met who
knew that it was to be found in Plato. I do not know what
you will say to an address which is being circulated ; you shall
have a copy when I get some more ; Thompson says that Dr.
Vaughan is going to sign it.
What a sad loss dear old Mill's death is. I was looking at
his hair, with less of gray in it than my own, last term, and
thinking how long we were likely to have his services, and
how much we should need them.
... I believe it is since my very pleasant visit to Harrow
that Whewell asked me to take the additional examinership of
the Moral Science Tripos, which involves a good deal of
reading and other trouble; but I am not sorry to have an
opportunity of doing something to widen and deepen the
Cambridge study of the subjects. Scott also induced me to
take the Le Bas Examinership. . . .
There has been however, in one way or another, quite
enough to take up my time and prevent me from making much
progress with the Greek New Testament. But what I have
done has been pretty efficiently done.
... I forgot to tell you I saw a tempting bramble on
Harrow Hill, thought I would cut it, thought I hadn't time,
went on, came back, caught a vehicle, got a lift, and so was
in time.
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
To THE REV. JOHN ELLERTON
HARDWICK, January 2Otk, 1854.
... I believe in writing to you last time I passed over
your queries about my fears respecting Convocation. I have
not time now to explain myself fully, but I must say a word
or two. It seems to me that many who clamour for Con
vocation speak of that as the Church's rightful government,
and as if she had no government now. Now this seems to
me a direct denial of the apostolical constitution and polity,
of which Convocation forms no part. Practically our bishops
may, through inability, cowardice, overwork, etc. etc., have
ceased for the most part to govern ; but they are there, and
their functions are there, and may be revived. They, and
subordinate officers deriving authority from them, have alone
paramount authority in the Catholic Church. The authority
of a representative and democratic assembly, derived from the
wills of individual members and not from Christ's ordination,
is anarchic except so far as it is subordinate to that of the
successors of the Apostles. Moreover, in the early Church
synods were assembled at particular periods, whether rare or
frequent ; they never formed a regular standing part of the
Church's constitution. This I do not urge as a reason why
they should not practically become such now ; there are many
reasons why they should. I only protest against their inter
fering with the apostolic rule. Many High Churchmen seem
dangerously disposed to think of bishops merely as ' channels
of grace,' not as rulers, and to exalt the presbyterate against
them ; and of this I have a great dread. About the mode of
election I have not thought much ; but of course, whoever
might be the electing power, the commission would be equally
apostolic. Guizot however seems to have confused them
grievously in his European Civilisation. Edward Strachey's
book I have not yet seen, but want to see.
I am getting on with my paper for the Moral Sciences Tripos,
which gives me a good deal of trouble ; ordination also takes
up my time. I am working through Pearson on the Creed for
the first time, and am much struck with its clear, sound logic
268 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
and the marvellous scholarship of the notes. When this is
done (besides Bible and Gk. Test), Hooker's fifth book,
Augustin de Doctrina Christiana, Butler's Sermons, and Burton
and Blunt await me ; so that S. O.1 gives his candidates quite
enough to do. Indeed his Christmas papers included Mediaeval
Church History, which is rather too bad.
One book I have lately read with the most thorough delight,
the Heir of Redclyffe ; I don't think anything has so stirred
me since I read Yeast in Fraser. Yet the contrast is most
singular. It is a most convincing sign of the thorough depth
and geniality of the Catholic movement in England ; its main
deficiency (if so it may be called) is the absolute ignoring of
all the perplexing questions in theology and morals which are
now being stirred, — in short, it is bread without yeast. But
the perfectly Christian and noble Theodicee, — the true poetical
justice, — is beyond all praise.
I am very anxious to hear what you think of dear Maurice's
sad business. In spite of all the pain and anxiety of it, one
cannot but rejoice at his giving sceptical literary men so bright
an example of clerical honesty and boldness. I cannot talk
much about the matter now, but you will like to hear some of
the details. At the first meeting of the Council after the
vacation an angry altercation took place. Copies of Jelfs and
Maurice's pamphlets were then given or sent to all the
members. At the next meeting (a fortnight later) some rabid
member proposed a vote of instant expulsion ; the Bishop of
London thought this violent, and proposed a gentler string of
resolutions (those afterwards carried). Gladstone strongly
dissented, urged the utter incompetence of such a tribunal
to try so delicate and mysterious a point of theology, and
moved an amendment that the matter be left in the Bishop of
London's hands, to be by him referred to a committee of
theologians nominated by him, who should report to the
Council. The Bishop readily acceded to this amendment,
and so did most of the Council, but Lords Howe, Harrowby,
Cholmondeley, and Radstock made such a violent outcry,
protesting against betraying the Gospel of Christ, that Glad
stone in disgust withdrew his amendment, — the Bishop's
1 i.e. S. Oxon.
AGE 25
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
resolutions were carried without a division. The forbidding
Maurice to lecture was Jelf s own act. At the next meeting
was read Maurice's letter (which you must have seen in the
Guardian), asking the Council to interpret their own resolutions,
and demanding to know what formulary he had contradicted,
and by what words of his own. This was refused ; on which
the Bishop of Lichfield, Milman, and James Anderson handed
in formal protests against the proceedings : Justice Patteson,
Sir B. Brodie, and Green the surgeon (Coleridge's philosophical
executor), if not others, also voted against the refusal. I am glad
that Maurice has kept his temper so admirably in the preface to
the 2nd edition. You may perhaps be interested in a passage
of St. Clement, bearing on the question, which I found some
weeks ago and translated literally ; so I send it, but should
like to have it back again. You will see that the whole passage
is in exposition of the common patristic but wrong interpreta
tion of St. Peter's words about Christ's preaching to the spirits
in prison, but the possibility of a locus pcenitenticz after death is
clearly assumed throughout. You will doubtless have been
grieving over dear old Professor Mill's sad and unexpected
death. We never wanted him more. Of late he has been
rather better appreciated ; but he was indeed as a prophet in
his own country, and will be more honoured a century hence
than now.
I forgot to mention (what perhaps you know already) that
a rather mild address to Maurice is being got up by Hare,
Thompson, etc. My copy is abroad at present, but you shall
see it when I get it back. Davies * (St. Mark's Parsonage,
Whitechapel) receives signatures, viz. of clergymen and
graduates.
To HIS MOTHER
CAMBRIDGE, February \T>th, 1854.
My dearest Mother — The worry of the Moral Sciences
Tripos is at last over, and thoroughly glad I am of it. You
have, I hope, long ago received the paper itself, which I
sent off on Thursday as soon as it was set. I gave them
1 The Rev. J. Llewelyn Davies.
270 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
five and a half hours to do it in, and when that period of hard
work for them was over, mine began. I had undertaken to
Whewell to have the answers all looked over and marked, and
the marks added up by eleven on Saturday morning, and I kept
my word ; but it was a close run, and I had to use the greatest
exertions. . . .
The government of the University Library has just been
reformed, and the Vice-Chancellor has nominated me among
the sixteen who form the first Syndicate under the new regime.
We began our work to-day, and there seems every prospect of
our getting on well.
To THE REV. B. F. WESTCOTT
CAMBRIDGE, February 23^, 1854.
... I am now deep in St. Augustin's De Doctrina Chris
tiana for ordination, and am greatly delighted with its beauty
and wisdom, on the whole. It is certainly to the Bishop's
(or Trench's ? l) credit to set such a book before candidates.
By this day fortnight I shall probably be at Cuddesdon, and
the ordination is on the following Sunday. I am sure you
will remember me on that day.
To HIS MOTHER
CUDDESDON PALACE, March ytk, 1854.
My dearest Mother — Before going to bed, I want to
scribble you a line to say that I have arrived here safely, and
have had one day of the examination. I reached Oxford
yesterday a little after four alone, Gorham being detained a
day or two in town by urgent business. As soon as I had
tidied myself a little, I called on Finder 2 in Trinity, but he
was already in hall. A search for John Ormerod was more
successful, and I dined with him in Brasenose. Late in
the evening Gorham arrived. At a quarter past nine
this morning we started in a fly, and reached this place
1 Examining chaplain to the Bishop of Oxford.
2 Now the Rev. North Finder.
AGE 25
about ten. The servants showed us to our rooms,
but before long we assembled (nineteen in number) in
a sort of hall-room. The bell soon rang, and we made our
way to the Bishop's beautiful little chapel. Presently the
Bishop arrived with his two chaplains, Trench and Randall,
and Pott,1 who all took part in the service, but it was
performed as quietly as possible. The lessons were Lev. viii.
and Luke vi. 1-19. The second was read by the Bishop,
who thereupon delivered a short but most beautiful and every
way excellent address. Soon after chapel we had a short
piece of Hooker to turn into Latin for half an hour, and then
two hours nominally on the New Testament, but including
various things. I began in the middle, and did not find time
to attempt many questions, as I wrote rather carefully. Next
followed a bread-and-cheese lunch, and then half an hour for
air and exercise. They might have allowed us more, for after
our return we had to kick our heels forty minutes. Then
we had two hours for a sermon on i Cor. x. 13. Then
chapel again (at about half-past six), the lessons being Lev. xxi.
and i John ii., with another address from the Bishop. Then
a few minutes to dress, followed by dinner. The Bishop
made me sit by his side, which I found a very agreeable post.
After sitting a short time, coffee was brought in, and then the
Bishop rang the bell, went to the door and shook every one by
the hand and said good-night as he went out, and we were
dismissed to our rooms. Mine is a very excellent and com
fortable one, with a blazing fire. And so ends a very pleasant,
but exceedingly fatiguing day. My expectations were so high
that it would have been strange indeed if they had been
surpassed, but I have certainly not been disappointed.
Good-night to you all. — Ever your affectionate son,
FENTON J. A. HORT.
To HIS MOTHER
CUDDESDON PALACE, March nth, 1854.
. . . The Bishop had a talk with me this morning, and
told me that I had done very well indeed (especially in the
1 The Vicar of Cuddesdon.
272 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
doctrinal paper) in all but the Old Testament History, in which
my answers, though above the average, were not so good as
he should have expected from my other papers. These have
been three very pleasant days. The Bishop is kindness and
goodness itself, and his chaplains both pleasant in their several
ways. I wish you could have heard his morning and evening
comments on the special lessons in chapel. I do not know
any one who would have enjoyed them more.
To HIS MOTHER
OXFORD, March izth, 1854.
My dearest Mother — I am sure you will like to receive a line
from me written before this awful day has quite gone by, although
it be no more than a line ; and indeed I do not feel disposed
to write more. My thoughts about the event (even if I knew
how to express them to myself, which I do not) are as nothing
to the event itself. All took place as could have been wished,
and there were no unpleasant accessions to disturb and vex
one's thoughts. The Bishop of Grahamstown preached the
sermon — very good but rather dry. He also read the Epistle.
I had to read the Gospel, which I managed pretty well, though
at first it was difficult to see the letters. I was not sorry at
the Communion to receive the bread from Bishop Armstrong.
He shook hands with me most affectionately both before and
after the service. In the afternoon I heard the Bishop of
Oxford preach before the University at St. Mary's ; the sermon
was mainly practical, and addressed to the undergraduates,
but (not to speak of its astonishing power and eloquence) it
would not be easy to imagine a more valuable or appropriate
conclusion to the services of the morning. At half-past six
Bishop Armstrong was to preach again before the University,
but we had had enough. At five we went to Christ Church
to receive our Letters of Orders, and the Bishop of Oxford
again twice said good-bye to me with especial cordiality.
Gorham and I have been fortunate in getting these quarters.
Butler1 has been most kind and pleasant, and his wife
1 George Butler, eldest son of the then Dean of Peterborough.
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
thoroughly delightful. In the evening two or three pleasant
friends of his came in, — among them William Thomson, the
author of the Bampton Lectures that you were reading.
Now good- night, and God bless you all. — Believe me,
ever your affectionate son, FENTON J. A. HORT.
The first part of the following letter gives an account
of the ordination almost identical with that sent to
his mother ; a third detailed account was sent to Mr.
G. Blunt.
To THE REV. JOHN ELLERTON
CAMBRIDGE, March igth and April 2nd, 1854.
Gorham and I made acquaintance with George
Butler, and he very kindly offered us beds at his lodgings,
which of course we were only too glad to accept. Pleasanter
quarters we could not have had. I ought to have mentioned
that, as the Bishop likes taking his candidates to different
towns to familiarize the people with ordination, we should
probably have gone to Reading, or some such place, had not
the Bishop been obliged to preach before the University in
the afternoon, and therefore tied to Oxford, which I did not
at all regret. A little before 9 A.M. we met at the church
warden's house. To my great delight Bishop Armstrong was
outside, and greeted me very warmly. We (the candidates)
then walked in procession in our surplices and hoods to St.
Peter's Church, the oldest in Oxford ; it was dreadfully
mauled in Perpendicular times, but retains much glorious
Norman work, especially in the chancel. There was an air
of life and reality about the whole church, congregation, and
service which was very invigorating and enjoyable. The
whole service was musical (as you will have seen by the
Guardian), and that for the first time, I believe (in an ordina
tion), for centuries. The rector intoned the prayers very well.
The choir consisted of the Plainsong and another musical
society of the University ; but the singing was tolerably
congregational. The chanting was all Gregorian. Arm-
VOL. I T
274 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
strong's sermon was in many respects good. The Bishop's
chair was then placed in the entrance of the altar rails, and
he very solemnly and pointedly addressed the congregation as
appointed. When we came to the Litany, he turned round
to the East, kneeling at his chair ; and Archdeacon Clark and
Randall (Trench was gone back to Itchenstoke) knelt at the
rails on one side and the rector and chief curate on the other,
and all five at once intoned or almost sung the petitions of
the Litany, the Bishop leading magnificently, and the choir
and congregation sang the responses. The effect was
perfectly wonderful, — far beyond what I could have supposed.
I had to read the Gospel. A great many of the congregation
stayed for the Communion, which was very solemn and con
genial. ... At a little after one the great service was finished.
Gorham and I dined quietly with the Butlers. In the
evening W. Thomson of Queen's, James of Queen's, and Max
Miiller (the great Sanskrit scholar) came in, and we had some
pleasant talk. When they were gone, Gorham asked for some
music. Mrs. Butler had there no ' sacred ' music, so called ;
but she played Beethoven's divine second sonata, and so
appropriately ended the day. Next morning Conington came
to breakfast, and we had a good talk about our Journal of
Philology. After breakfast we strolled round the Bodleian.
I have not time to talk about Cuddesdon, the Bishop, etc.,
but can only say that I came to love and value him very
highly indeed; it is not easy at a distance altogether to
appreciate his temptations and his character. His arrange
ments were most admirable ; from the time I reached
Cuddesdon on Thursday till I said good-bye, when I went for
my Letters of Orders at Christ's Church on Sunday afternoon,
there was nothing whatever to meet one's eye or ear that was
not harmonious with the occasion. Oxford too I enjoyed
much, and wished for a longer stay.
I am delighted to hear you speak so of the Government ;
I doubt whether there has been such a one since Elizabeth's
time. . . . But, in praising the Government, one must not
forget the misdeeds of single members. ... It is very
delightful to find England in so noble a moral position as the
publication of the secret correspondence gives her. And
AGE 25
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
275
what a blessed thing this French alliance is ! what prospects
it seems to open for the world and the Church ! Surely it
must do more for France than centuries of entente cordiale
and Louis Philippisme ; Frenchmen will hardly know them
selves in the doubly new position of fighting along with
England, and in defence of the right. But it is fearful to
read the wild exultation with which some of the papers
(representing but too faithfully, I fear, the minds of their
readers) are looking forward to the war. I have a sad fore
boding that — over and above the cruel carnage which must
inevitably touch every corner of the land — we shall be visited
by some fearful national calamity, for, alas ! we need it.
I must not speak at any length about Maurice's business.
I agree with you in thinking it a pity that Maurice verbally
repudiates purgatory, but I fully and unwaveringly agree with
him in the three cardinal points of the controversy: (i) that
eternity is independent of duration; (2) that the power of
repentance is not limited to this life; (3) that it is not
revealed whether or not all will ultimately repent. The
modern denial of the second has, I suppose, had more to do
with the despiritualizing of theology than almost anything]
that could be named. How contrary it is to the spirit of the
Fathers of all schools may be seen from the notes to Pearson
on the Descent into Hell. The cool a priori paragraph
(beginning, "Again, as the authority"), in which he flings
antiquity boldly aside, because it clashes with the modern
dogma, is well worthy of remark. . . .
Great changes are taking place here. The University
Library is already half reformed, and the Pitt Press will soon
have much greater changes. Unluckily they propose most
dangerous schemes for future degrees, Theological Tripos, etc.
etc., which we shall have to vote on next term ; and I am
not sure that I shall not perpetrate a pamphlet. We are
getting up a society for Church music, and hope to get
Helmore to start it ; luckily we have Harvey Goodwin, but
some furious High Church undergrads give much trouble.
How pleasant to think of Lord Aberdeen offering dear old
Blunt the Bishoprick !
If you come across Charles Reade's Peg Woffington, read
276 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
it; it is obviously sprung from Thackeray's influence.
Robert Curzon's Armenia is of course delightful, but it ought
to be more so, and more of it.
To THE REV. GERALD BLUNT
HARDWICK, April nth and 14^, 1854.
. . . On Saturday the new complications of railways made
my train so late at Shoreditch that I could not get to
Paddington in time for the express ; but 1 of King's,
being in the same predicament, said that he meant under the
circumstances to go by the short train to Eton (where he is
now a master) for the two nights, and urged me to do the
same, offering me a bed, which I accepted, and was quite
repaid. Eton is truly a great place, and it is no wonder that
Eton men are so extravagantly proud of it. I am sure I
should be the same, if I had been brought up there, though
I would not take it in exchange for Arnold and homespun
Rugby. On Sunday morning we went up to Windsor Castle,
and attended service in St. George's Chapel. I was glad to
attend service there at the beginning of the war. In the
afternoon we had a congenial service at Eton Chapel, a noble
building in spite of its second-rate architecture. After service
we strolled through the beautiful bright green meadows by
the Thames, making a circuit to the Castle, where we enjoyed
the air and the glorious view from the terrace for some
time. . . .
I have not heard of the address to Maurice being yet
presented. He is very busy at a ' People's College ' which he
is trying to establish, and on behalf of which he is going to
deliver public lectures in London. He also talks of answering
Dr. Candlish's Exeter Hall attack, when it is published.
Kingsley is publishing the lectures on Alexandrine Philosophy
which he delivered at Edinbro ; I wonder they are not out
yet. . . .
It is an age since I have heard anything about your wife
or my dear little godchild ; do tell me all about them. Can
the latter walk, speak, or do anything human ? Even teeth
1 Name indistinct ; probably [W.] Wayte.
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277
would, I think, interest me. If I go on longer, you will get
no breakfast, so good-night and God bless you all, — always
dear, but never so dear as at this old Justin Martyr sofa-
table.1 — Ever your affectionate friend,
FENTON J. A. HORT.
To THE REV. B. F. WESTCOTT
HARDWICK, CHEPSTOW, Easter Eve, 1854.
... I thank you very much for your kind wishes ; I am
sure they are true, though my time for fully realising their
truth in practice does not seem to be yet come. You must
not expect a long account from me now ; but I spent most
happy days at Cuddesdon and Oxford, without anything
discordant to violate the sacredness of the time, and
was specially delighted with the calumniated Bishop himself.
I must just allude to some publications which Trench
mentioned to me then, and has since lent to me. A most
singular movement is taking place among the German
' Reformation ' settled in America, the centre of the move
ment being Mercersburg. The leading man is Dr. Nevin,
who has written in the Mercersburg Review a series of
passionate articles against the ' baptistic ' and { anti-creed '
theory of Christianity, pleading earnestly for continuity of
development in Church History, and especially for an
affectionate study of the early Church, as the only way of
getting a standing ground for interpreting the Bible, taking
the Apostles' Creed as a guide. I can compare him to no
one but Newman, and higher praise it would be difficult to
give. I fear he is fast drifting Romewards.
To HIS MOTHER
CAMBRIDGE, May 24^, 1854.
. . . Thank you for John's2 interesting dispatches, which
I duly forwarded to Kingstown. They are a great help
1 A table at which Hort and Mr. Blunt read Justin together, and talked,
one summer vacation at Hardwick.
2 His first cousin, afterwards Lieutenant -General Sir John Hort, then
serving in the Crimea.
278 FENTON JOPIN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
towards making the newspapers intelligible. I see by yester
day's Times that on the yth (I think) the 4th and its com
panion regiments were moved to Bulair, as John expected,
to take their turn at digging the entrenchments across the
isthmus above Gallipoli. I will send my father by the next
post a sixpenny reprint of an article in Fraser, the best
and most authentic account that has yet been published
of the Russian defences in the Baltic and the Russian fleet
generally. The author is one of our attaches at St. Peters-
burgh, driven home by the war ; he is a very sharp-eyed and
intelligent little creature, and had access to all documents
likely to be of much use in drawing up such an account. I
hope my father showed you Du Hamelin's French dispatch
about the affair at Odessa; it is the only really satisfactory
account that I have seen. The anxious care taken by our
fleets to spare private property is very pleasant to see at the
beginning of the war. I have been since told (not having
myself noticed the fact) that the gunner of the Terrible has
been disrated for not being able to abstain from firing (and
but too skilfully) a shell at the temptingly smooth round white
dome of some mosque or similar building.
The following letter is an answer to questions about
the ' call ' to take holy orders.
To THE REV. GERALD BLUNT
CAMBRIDGE, May $ist, 1854.
My dear Blunt — It is not very easy to answer your ques
tion fairly without seeming to beat about the bush ; but I will
try. I think you have rather confused the ' inward motion of
the Spirit ' with the ' call,' which are not exactly coincident,
though they must be mostly considered together.
First observe the distinct phrase used by the Church, " Do
you trust that you are inwardly moved ? " etc. The matter is
frankly set forth as one of faith, not of sensible consciousness.
The motion of the Spirit is to be inferred from its effects in
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279
and on our spirit ; any other view is likely to degrade and car
nalize our apprehensions of spiritual operations, not exalt
them. Now I do not think it possible for one man to lay
down absolutely for another what inward thoughts and aspira
tions are or are not trustworthy indices to a genuine motion of
the Holy Ghost ; but the Church's words do themselves sug
gest some necessary elements of them, — a direct and unmixed
(I mean, clearly realizable and distinguishable) desire to be
specially employed in promoting God's glory and building up
His people. You will say that this is after all the duty, not
specially of a clergyman, but of every Christian man. I cannot
deny it, though I do not know why I should wish to deny an
inference to which the Church herself so plainly leads me.
Perhaps we may find it a most pregnant and significant inti
mation of the real nature of the priestly and the simply
Christian life, and their relation to each other. The one
great work of a priest is to set forth what a man is and is
meant to be ; if we set this fundamental truth aside, we affect
a more saintly eminence than our High Priest, the Son of
Man. We have therefore, I quite allow, the strongest reasons
for saying that the glory of God and the building up of his
brethren must be the common daily work-day aim of every
man ; but this may be done mediately or immediately. Plato
has taught us that every craft and profession has some special
human work (some particular way of glorifying God, as we
should say), which must not be confused with its adjuncts and
accessories. The healing of bodies is the work of a physician,
so far as he is a physician, — not the supporting himself, etc.
These subsidiary results must follow, not lead or even, in some
sense, accompany, the primary work. And so it is with the
clergyman's work. He must have a desire to set forth the
glory of God simply and directly, in those forms which show
it forth most nakedly. He must not only act it out but speak
of it, make men know it and consciously enter into it. None
of the phenomena of life are primarily his province, but the
glory and the love which underlie them all. He is not simply
an officer or servant of God or workman of God, but His
ambassador and herald to tell men about God Himself. He
must bring distinctly before men the reality of the heaven, of
280 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
which the earth and all that it contains is but the symbol and
vesture. And, since all human teaching is but the purging of
the ear to hear God's teaching, and since the whole man, and
not certain faculties only, must enter into the divine presence,
the sacraments must be the centre and crown (I don't mean
central subject) of his teaching, for there the real heights and
depths of heaven are most fully revealed, and at the same
time the commonest acts and things of earth are most closely
and clearly connected with the highest heaven. This is,
briefly, my view of a clergyman's work ; and by this, I think,
must the nature of the Spirit's inward motion be determined.
If a man does not feel a clear paramount desire, — often inter
rupted and diluted and even counteracted, but still distinctly
present whenever he is in his right mind, — to tell men of God
and Jesus Christ whom He has sent, — in a word, to preach
the Gospel, that is, announce the Good Tidings, — I very
much doubt whether he has a right to ' trust that 'he is ' in
wardly moved by the Holy Ghost'
But this desire may be present in a greater or less degree,
and with a greater or less commixture of other thoughts. In
some it is so strong that any other way of accomplishing God's
glory would be irksome to them, except as a subsidiary part of
their lives. But in the vast majority of cases where the desire
is really present, it is not so overwhelming but that it may be
subordinated to others, if circumstances should be unfavour
able. I do not think that this at all necessarily implies any
moral declension. A man may honestly and truly desire to
preach the Gospel, and yet he may best do God's will by
becoming squire, attorney, or shoemaker. It is here, I think,
that the wishes of parents or other circumstances may and
must have their effect. Of course I cannot shrink from con
sidering the converse case. A man's own thoughts may have
lain in another direction, and yet subsequent external circum
stances may, I think, justify his taking orders, but only under
certain conditions. If he cannot find in himself any of the
special desires which mark God's inspiration of His own
special priests and prophets, I do not think that any outward
circumstances can supply the place. But it must be re
membered that circumstances do not act upon us only at one
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281
crisis of our lives ; they belong to our childhood and youth as
well as our manhood. And therefore it may be that the
genuine desire has been really latent in a man's mind for
years, hidden and kept down by one set of circumstances and
brought to light and consciousness by the pressure of another.
In short, when we speak of a 'call,' we must take great care
lest we introduce notions which may altogether distort our
views of the Spirit and His operations. We must not think
of ourselves as cut off from the complicated mass of events
and influences around us, or forget that the same God, who
holds them all in His hand, does also call us to His work, and
inspire us with the desire and the strength to accomplish it.
We do not honour the Spirit, but subject Him to our own
private fancies, when we refuse to recognize a call in His
ordering of events. I do not mean that outward events or
things independent of ourselves entirely constitute our circum
stances ; our own inward history, our present inclinations,
even our felt capacities, are all, I think, part of our circum
stances, but in these we need more care to avoid self-delusion,
and it is not often that we are justified in consulting them
alone. But no circumstances can justify us in following a
profession for the work of which we have no desire. — I say
* work,' because that seems the best word ; but of course I
do not mean outward employments, except in a subordinate
sense ; they are but the outcome and embodiment of our real
inward 'work.' — The case is precisely analogous to that of
ordinary morality, which requires us to be led by circum
stances and not to yield to them. The eternal laws of
morality are paramount over all temporal circumstances. If
they were not, there could be no such thing as sin. Ordina
tion is no exception to the general rule. The Church re
quires a trust that we are inwardly moved (" Lord, we believe !
help Thou our unbelief ! ") by the Holy Ghost ; and that must
be present, or else we become the slaves of circumstances and
so fall into sin.
I have doubts whether you will think this letter a satisfac
tory answer to your question. But I am convinced that no
answer can be a righteous and true one, which supplies a
mechanical test easy of application, and exempts a man from
282 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
the awful responsibility of deciding for himself alone before
God.
But there are two obvious truths, which ought to be kept
distinctly in mind, if duty and responsibility are not to remain
in a cold and cheerless light, which is by no means divine.
If it is the Spirit that moves the inward man, and the Spirit
that gives the call in whatever shape it may come, it is the
same Spirit that clears the eye and strengthens the heart to
decide truly whether either the motion or the call do really
exist. And again it is the same Spirit who fills us with Him
self at ordination. The Reformers may have been quite right
in denying the name ' Sacrament ' to an institution belonging
only to a part of mankind ; but it is most truly (what the
Greeks called Sacraments) a mystery and sacramental. It is
God that makes us priests, and not we ourselves ; and so it is
not our own previous or succeeding desire to set forth His
glory that enables us to do anything for Him, but only the
anointing of His grace. — Ever yours affectionately,
FENTON J. A. HORT.
.P.S. — One word more on a point that I forgot. You
seem to speak as if a love of outdoor occupations were some
thing like a disqualification for a clergyman. I cannot allow
this. I do not think my standard is lower than the popular
one, but it is certainly different. With regard to such employ
ments in themselves, the whole of society has relinquished
them to a most injurious extent ; and I cannot see harm,
looking especially to the future, in a clergyman's cultivating in
due proportion that which I believe to be an integral part of a
healthy human life ; and still more with respect to the tone
of mind which such employments induce and from which the
love of them springs. Nothing is more wanted for the
regeneration of England than a vast increase of manliness,
courage, and simplicity in English clergymen. These are
moral qualities ; but the breezes of heaven and the use of the
muscles have not a little effect in cultivating them. God
knows there are temptations enough in this direction as in
every other; but better be anything than an effeminate
sneak.
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283
To MR. C. H. CHAMBERS
CAMBRIDGE [May 29^?], 1854.
. There is a good deal of University business going on.
A fierce struggle took place at the beginning of this term on
the proposal of the great Studies Syndicate (alias the XXXIX.
Articles) to allow men after Little-go to proceed ad libitum in
Mathematics, Classics, Morals, Physics, or Theology, and take
a degree accordingly, a new Theological Tripos being pro
posed at the same time. Fortunately we succeeded in throw
ing out all except the exemption of Classics from subjection to
Mathematics. But plans for wiser reform are already afloat,
and I am on a new Syndicate to adjust the Little-go and Pol.1
The Pitt Press will likewise be revolutionised on Wednesday
next, and will, I trust, be greatly improved. The newly-
organised Library Syndicate has been sitting two terms. We
have been working very hard, and have already done much
good work.
The last University intelligence is the Whewell Pot. Our
artistic Master has been crowning a chimney in the Great
Court with a row of bright blue pots surrounded by a double
border of bright yellow fleurs-de-lys ! We are threatened with
similar ornaments all round the College.
We had Bishop Selwyn here yesterday, and he preached a
grand sermon at St. Mary's. Politics would give much food
for talk, if one had time. On the whole I am hopeful about
the war, though not without grave misgivings. The French
alliance is, however, a great and solid satisfaction. At home
I never expected to see so good a government. Gladstone
has always been a favourite of mine ; and it is now doubly
pleasant to see how he confounds the politics and frustrates the
knavish tricks of those rascally Derbyites.
To HIS MOTHER
HOTEL DE L'Ecu, GENEVA, /«;/£ 24/7*, 1854.
My dearest Mother — You will be thankful to hear that I
have come thus far safe and sound without anything like a
1 i.e. the examinations for the ordinary degree.
284 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
mishap. . . . Soon after midnight I woke up in time to get
some refreshment at Tonnerre, and again at 3.10 just in time
to get out of the train at Dijon. The diligence stood ready-
horsed a few yards off, and at the half-hour we drove away.
It was a queer affair, not unlike an English coach but for the
conducteur's banquette on the top. Inside there was nothing
but a small interieure. A dim creature (whom, after some
mutual boggling in French, of which he knew, to speak, even
less than I did, I discovered to be a Scotchman) had the first
place, a Frenchman the second, myself the third, and our
plaids, hats, etc., the fourth. In passing by twilight through
the quaint streets of Dijon, I had just such a glimpse of the
Cathedral as to make me wish to see more. The country, as
well as I could make out at intervals between snoozes, was
interesting from its novelty, but not very striking. At length
we crossed the Saone, a noble river, and entered the strongly-
fortified town of Auxonne. An hour or so more brought us
to Dole, a large and interesting place, at 6.25; here we
crossed the Doubs. From this onwards the country was
rather flat till Poligni, a most striking place, which we reached
at 8.45. Here our passports were demanded for the first time
since leaving Boulogne. Here the plain suddenly ceases, and
the lower outskirts of the Jura rise abruptly, covered with
vineyards. The vineyards themselves rather disappointed me,
but I had formed in England no conception of the exceeding
grace and beauty of the single vines, with their leaves and
tendrils of tender golden green glistening in the sunlight.
Our enjoyment of the beautiful ascent from Poligni was much
spoiled by the intrusion of an enormous Frenchman into our
fourth place, besides half of my place ; fortunately this nuisance
lasted only two stages. A mile or two brought us to the top
of the hill, and then we had a long drive on a tolerably level
plateau of rugged ground, which was very delightful from its
wildness, and the beautiful flowers, especially some beautiful
Spurges and Genista. At 10.25 we crossed a rapid river in a
gorge below us and entered Champagnole, where a petit quart
d'heure was allowed us for breakfast. We were famously
hungry, and soon devoured no small amount of cafe au lait,
trout fried in oil, omelette, raspberries, and wild strawberries.
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
We proceeded, much revived, up and down all manner of
beautiful vallies and ravines for many miles. The vegetation
(which had begun to change the moment I left Boulogne)
was very interesting to watch, but probably three-quarters of
it was common to England, and it was a pleasure to recognize
old friends (such as the bugloss) among the brightest flowers.
The vallies (barring the pines) might all have occurred in
England, and once I had just noticed a striking rezemblance
to parts of Teesdale, when we burst on an acre of globe
flowers, growing just as you may remember them at Caldron
Snout, and in the following ten miles I noticed almost all the
characteristic Teesdale rarities. ... At half- past three we
reached the highest point of the Jura, and Mt. Blanc suddenly
burst upon us in all his glory, his top quite clear from the thin
clouds which hung here and there about his sides and lower
peaks, sometimes rising into white mounds which looked like
rival Alps, till the eye learnt to distinguish the filmy precision
and sharp deep shadows of the genuine snows. Half a minute
more discovered a reach of the blue Leman ; and then every
turn, as we zigzagged rapidly down the mountain, opened out
some new aspect of the glorious valley. We were soon at the
bottom, and then (except for the distant Alps) the level ground,
vegetation and all, could scarcely have been distinguished from
that of England. Our passports were taken from us at the
entrance of Geneva. . . .
This morning I went to the pretty new English Church,
and meeting there my Scotch friend of yesterday, who had
much interested me, strolled with him up the old town (after
getting a magnificent view of Mt. Blanc, now quite free from
cloud), and then into the cemetery (where we wandered a
long time among the plane-trees, looking at the epitaphs),
to see the plain square stone with 4J. C.' which marks
Calvin's grave. My fellow-traveller was a young 'Free
Kirk ' minister of Glasgow, who was going to-morrow to join
his family at Chamouni : otherwise he would gladly have
accompanied me. We had a long and most delightful talk on
theological matters ; and, though he was a stout disciple of
John Knox, it was a very long time before he found out that I
was anything else. We parted the best of friends, both, I
286 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
hope, the better for our meeting. ... I have just been
wandering about the fine old streets up to the curious
cathedral, and down again along the lake, and about the
bridges, listening to the rushing Rhone. I am well lodged
here in a nice though small room au quatrieme (there are two
higher stories !). My windows look out on the busy Place in
front of the Messageries Imperiales, with the level lake and all
its strange boats, and two streets, one containing a cluster of
low planes.
Last night I felt very odd here — more like my first night
at Laleham than anything else that I can remember ; but the
situation is at least as amusing as desolate, and I have enjoyed
myself very much. I have been singularly little tired with the
journey, which had its pleasures in every part.
To THE REV. JOHN ELLERTON
BAIERISCHER HOF, MUNICH,
August \-$th and i$t/i, 1854.
My dear Ellerton — Before leaving England I made no
promises to write to you from abroad, as I foresaw there
would be great difficulties, and I have quite enough broken
vows to answer for already. But still I know you will be
glad to hear from these regions.
I left England on June 23rd, reached Dijon next day,
travelled from thence by malle-poste to Geneva. . . . Next
day I steamed up the lake to Vevay, slept there, took the early
boat next morning to Lausanne, wandered about the city and
cathedral (on which I have writ something in the incepted
journal), and took the late boat to Geneva. I did not see the
lake to advantage, for clouds hid the highest mountains both
days. Thursday the 2Qth [June] I went by diligence to Sall-
anches, and thence by char-a-banc to Chamonix. July ist I
got a good (botanist) guide, Payot, and walked round through
the grand gorge of the Tete Noire to Trient, and back over
the Col de Balme (in the clouds, and therefore no view) to
Chamonix. A Mr. Mills had taken the duty at Chamonix for
some weeks, and a very pleasant man I found him — scientific,
to boot. He gave us good services and sermons. He had
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
287
with him six ladies. An agreeable Oxford man, Theobald,
was also there. On Monday we all made a famous party
up the Flegere to see the view, especially of Mt. Blanc. In
the evening at half-past nine Theobald, Mills, and I started
with two guides and a lantern up the forest on the flank
of Mt. Blanc to the little inn at Montanvert, which we
reached at midnight ; slept there, and next day had a
glorious expedition to the so-called 'Jardin,' high among
the glaciers in the hollow heart of Mt. Blanc, returning
to Chamonix in the evening, unluckily in much rain. Next
day I only strolled about. On the 6th I set out alone with
Payot for the Tour of Mt. Blanc; that day we only crossed
the Col de Vosa to Contamines. Next day it began to
rain soon after we had started, and continued all the way
to the first top of the Col du Bonhomme; then we had
cloud for the next hour along the dangerous part between the
first and second top, and then heavy rain again all the way
down to the little hamlet of Chapin (at the extreme S.W.
corner of Mt. Blanc), where we slept. Next day we had a
fine day for the inexpressibly glorious views over the Col de
la Seigne and down the Allde Blanche to Cormayeur in
Piedmont, where we slept two nights, passing a dull Sunday.
The loth was a hard day. We walked up the Val and over
the Col de Ferret, and then over the Col de la Fenetre (with
much deep wading in steeply-inclined wet snow), down some
way and then up again to the Hospice of the Great S. Bernard,
where we slept. The said hospice by no means pleased me.
Next day I walked down to St. Pierre, and there took a char
to Martigny, where I slept. Next morning (July i2th) I
parted with Payot, and P.M. went by diligence up the rather
monotonous valley of the Rhone to Visp, where I slept.
Next day I had a beautiful walk up the Valley of St. Nicolas
to Zermatt, near the Matterhorn and M. Rosa. Next day I
went up the Untere Rothhorn (with a famous young guide,
Kronig) for the magnificent panoramic view of the highest
peaks, rising out of beds of glacier; and above all of that
mountain of mountains, the wonderful pyramidal Matterhorn.
Next day I had (with two guides, Kronig and an old hunter) a
delightful glacier excursion (altogether \\\ hours), ending
288 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
with a long and difficult climb, to the Stockhorn of the
Zmutt Glacier. No tourist has made the excursion before,
except the very very few who have crossed the dangerous
Col d'Erin, among whom is James Forbes, from whose book
I gathered my resolution to make the attempt. The view is
grand indeed, and, above all, it enabled me to see well the
W. side of the Matterhorn. Sunday I passed at Zermatt.
Monday the lyth I went with my two guides to the top of
the Matterjoch (alias Pass of St. Theodule, alias Col du
Mt. Cervin), with splendid glacier views at every step, then
down across the Furgga Glacier and up the Hornli : this is a
spur running out from the base of the Matterhorn, and is
described (without the name) in Ruskin's splendid and no
less faithful portrait of the Matterhorn (in Stones of Venice,
vol. i.), which portrait it was one great object of mine to
verify, and most strikingly true I found it in all points but
one, and in that the error was very natural. From the Hornli
again the view was magnificent ; but the truth is, that this
astonishing region round Zermatt affords an inexhaustible
supply of excursions and points of view, all first-rate. I
meant in the two following days to have taken a new and
much-including course over the glaciers of M. Rosa to the
head of the valley of Saas, and so descended to Visp again.
But on that Monday evening, having been for hours wading
across deep pure snow under a cloudless sky, I was attacked
(in spite of a green veil) so severely with snow-blindness that
I dared not trust myself to the glaciers so soon again, and
next day merely walked down to Stalden, where the vallies
of Saas and St. Nicolas meet. Next day I walked up to the
village of Saas, and still higher to Fee (which has, I think,
the finest single glacier in the Alps), and down again past
Stalden to Visp, where I again slept. Next day I dismissed
Kronig and took a car down the Rhone valley to Leuk, and
thence walked up to the Baths of Leuk, a most strange place.
Next morning I walked over the Gemmi Pass (which begins,
or almost begins, with scaling a vertical precipice of a good
many hundreds of feet by zigzag galleries), through a most
savage and thoroughly enjoyable region down to Kandersteg,
whence I took car to Thun. Next morning I met James of
Trinity with two friends (one an old Rugby contemporary of
mine), and we went by diligence together to Berne and dined
there, and then they went on to Basle. At dinner I was
lucky enough to fall in with a Mr. and Mrs. Lee. They
are very delightful people, and the next day (Sunday) at
Berne was a very happy one. Monday I went by diligence
back to Thun, and thence by steamer along the lake of Thun
to Neuhaus, and thence by car to Interlachen. Here I met
Lord Rollo. Finding that our routes would partly coincide,
we agreed to travel together for the next day or two, and I
enjoyed his company much. Next day (the 25th) we took a
carriage to Lauterbrunnen, walked to the Staubbach, and
then he rode and I walked to the top of the Wengern Alp,
where we slept in the little inn full in front of the superb
Jungfrau. This is a famous place for avalanches ; but we
saw only one worth mentioning. Next morning we descended
on the other side to Grindelwald, and thence up the Faul-
horn, in ascending which we were overtaken by a very
pleasant English party. Unluckily the rain came on again,
and we saw little from the summit that evening. We slept
in tolerable comfort up in the region of snow, and next
morning were rewarded with as splendid a sunrise as man
could desire, having the whole cluster of Oberland Alps
ranged close before us, only just far enough off to enable us to
take them all in. After coffee we had a most merry walk and
ride all together over the great Scheideck down to Rosenlaui.
Lord Rollo and I went up to the exceedingly pretty little
glacier of Rosenlaui, and then down the valley past the fine
Reichenbach Fall to Meyringen, where we slept. Next morn
ing we separated, and I started with my Interlachen guide
Gaultier up the beautiful valley of Hasli, stopped at Handeck
to see the truly magnificent fall (' see ' is not the right word,
for two-thirds of the fall is quite hidden by the spray), and
then mounted the gloriously wild pass of the Grimsel, all
bestrewed with huge sloping flakes of granite, to the new
Hotel near the top, where we slept. Next morning we
finished the pass, and descended the Maienwand, a steep
mountain-slope covered with the richest alpine vegetation, to
the foot of the big glacier of the Rhone. We had then a
VOL. I U
290 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
fatiguing and rather dull ascent of the Furka (relieved by
some backward views of the Oberland), and a still duller
descent on the other side to Hospenthal. At dinner I struck
up an acquaintance with two Brighton men. . . . Next morning
I read service to them and to two English ladies, and P.M.
we walked leisurely to the Hospice at the top of the St.
Gothard Pass, and back to Hospenthal. On Monday we set
out walking down the wild but too much praised defile of the
Devil's Bridge to Amsteg, and after dinner took chars to
Altdorf, walking up in the sultry evening to see Tell's birth
place at Biirglen. Tuesday morning was wet, but P.M. we
walked to Fluelen, and thence took steamer to Luzern, walk
ing in the evening to see the really great Lion (designed by
Thorwaldsen) in honour of Louis XVI. 's Swiss guards.
Next morning, during a lull in the rain, we steamed to
Kiissnacht, and later walked up the Righi, getting some
tolerable partial views during the ascent, but nothing at the
top except the singular 'Spectre,' consisting of our figures
thrown on a cloud encircled with a double iris. We were
not roused by the usual horn next morning, for nothing was
to be seen but clouds. We walked down in rain to Goldau,
saw the strange desolation caused by the landslip of the
Rossberg, and then took a carriage to Zurich. In the
morning I went by steamer and diligence combined, along
the lakes of Zurich and Wallenstadt to Ragatz, and then
walked up to see the extraordinary limestone rift containing
the hot spring that supplies Pfeffers' Baths. I had meant to
stay two or three days in the neighbourhood, but the badness
of the weather and other reasons induced me to leave Ragatz
next morning by diligence and descend the rather dull valley
of the Rhine to Rorschach, there take steamer, and sleep at
Constance, where I also spent the following day (Sunday).
My six weeks for Switzerland were now finished, and I was in
the Grand Duchy of Baden ; but next day I returned to
Switzerland for a few hours by taking diligence to Schaff-
hausen, and walking to see the rather poor Falls of the Rhine,
and then returned by steamer to Constance. On Tuesday I
steamed to Lindau (there entering Bavaria) and sailed to
Augsburg, where I slept at the famous old hotel of the Three
26
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
291
Moors. Here I met Thacker, and have been with him ever
since. Next day we railed to Munich, and I have been
engaged ever since in seeing its wonders, which would, alas !
require months to exhaust. The present Industrial Exhibi
tion, a Crystal Palace on a small scale, is not remarkable,
except for the superb Bohemian glass. The artistic interest
of Munich is twofold: (i) the modern revived German art
seen in perfection, partly in architecture (which is chiefly so-
called ' Byzantine ' and full of instructive experiments, though
never, I think, quite successful, and always rather mechanical),
great learning, great skill, thorough good taste, and hardly a
spark of life or inspiration ; and (2) the treasures of antient
sculpture and painting in the Glyptothek and Pinacothek.
The former, chiefly Greek, include many very exquisite things,
the latter form an admirably-arranged exhibition of all schools
(except the English), but especially the early German, Rubens
per se, and early Italian. You may imagine how rich it is in
the early German schools, when I tell you that the first day
I got no further than Albert Diirer, who comes out in all
his glory ; but it is vain to begin to talk about the pictures
now.
To THE REV. JOHN ELLERTON
ISOLA BELLA, LAGO MAGGIORE,
September loth, 1854.
... I left Munich the evening of August i6th and
reached Innsbruck the next afternoon by a pretty drive
across the mountains. Next evening I took the Verona
diligence across the Brenner Pass (which I crossed in the
night), the fine gorge from Brixen to Botzen, the great flat
sultry valley of the Adige from Botzen to below Trent,
and crossed the back of Mt. Baldo in the night, reaching
Verona early on Sunday morning. Trent, the only place
worth mentioning on the route, is a fine city, in a dreadfully
hot and confined situation, embowered in rank fields of white
mulberry, vines (chiefly sprawling over divers trees), maize,
and pumpkins — altogether as unlikely a place for such a
Council as one could easily imagine. You will observe, by
292 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
the way, how many places connected with the Reformation I
shall have seen this summer — Geneva, Zurich, Constance,
Augsburg, and Trent ; Prague would have been added, if I
had gone home by E. Germany. At Verona I stayed two
days, and saw it after a manner ; but I cannot seek lions with
any energy when alone. It is full of beautiful canopied tombs,
especially those of the Scaligers. On the 2 2nd (August) I
took the train to Padua, walked up into the city and saw
divers things, but, above all, Giotto's most exquisite frescoes
in the Arena chapel. No panel pictures of his that I have
seen give any idea of the sweetness and graceful dignity of
these frescoes. The groupings are mostly conventional, but
most of the figures themselves are very great indeed ; the
' Last Judgement ' is alone painful and vulgar. In the even
ing I went on to Venice and took up my quarters at the Hotel
de la Ville, alias the Grassi (Renaissance) Palace. . . .
It would convey no idea to you to give a bulletin of each
day at Venice, nor can I give you now more than very short
results ; but I feel the mere fact of having been there to be an
important event in my life ; there is a magic in it which I
cannot account for. St. Mark's is most truly not ' barbarous,'
but it is barbaric. The effect is certainly beautiful as well as
peculiar • but it is by no means so impressive as a great Gothic
church, though the odd power exercised by its richness and
bizarrerie might easily be mistaken for impressiveness. In de
tail it is always most interesting and generally most beautiful.
The mosaics alone would take weeks to study and decipher,
and would repay it ; but Ruskin's plates give a very fair idea of
the exquisiteness of the Byzantine capitals and other carving.
The Doges' Palace looked lovely at first and looked more
lovely every day ; it is, however, quite beyond description. . . .
Of the beauty and other excellencies of the Venetian-Gothic
and Byzantine palaces there can be no doubt ; but I have not
been able to make up my mind whether they would be in any
way available in England. The churches, one and all (except
St. Mark's, Torcello, and Murano), miserably disappointed me ;
their Gothic is generally very finicking and cramped ; literally
half the parish churches of England would, I think, supply
better. Their use of moulded brick and their intermixture of
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CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
293
colours of brick and stone are, however, well worthy of study
and imitation. I must be brief about pictures, though (just
now, at least) a knowledge of Venetian painting seems to me
the greatest treasure of this summer. One result greatly sur
prised me : Titian went down immensely in my estimation.
Assuredly he excels most painters in manliness ; but at Venice
he looks shallow and theatrical by the side of others, who
more than equal him in manliness. I went to Venice with
great misgivings as to Ruskin's exaltation of Tintoretto ; nor
can I now agree in all his praises of particular pictures, but
my impression is that he rather underrates the man than other
wise. He seems to me a man of lordly, energetic, fiery spirit,
usually disdaining to throw off a sort of dogged composure,
revelling in all kinds of beauty and yet almost always liking to
veil it from profane or vulgar eyes, full of subtle mysticism and
yet often even painfully realistic, rejoicing in the earth and all
that is upon it, but not the less inwardly religious, in the best
sense of the word. I have always enjoyed Titian most in
mythology (as our 'Ganymede' and 'Venus and Adonis'),
but in power and grace he is as nothing when you look at three
Tintorets in the Doges' Palace (especially a most perfect
' Venus crowning Ariadne ') and two somewhat similar ones
(the ' Fall ' and the ' Death of Abel ') in the Academy. The
' Paradise ' of the Doges' Palace must be sui generis ; there
can be no picture like it in the world. But the precious Scuola
S. Rocco is the place where Tintoret is most completely and
distinctively himself. Those acres of rapid sketchy brown and
grey tell one more of God and man (chiefly, I fancy, because
they have entered so deeply into the Incarnation) than any
other human utterance that I can recollect. ^Eschylus, Dante,
and Beethoven are the illustrative names that first occur, but
they are only illustrative. Pray read again Ruskin's excellent
analysis in the Appendix to the Stones, vol. iii. ; it is almost
all true, except that he has failed to see as much as he might
have done. The last four of the N. T. series I hope I shall
never forget, — that thin, ghostly, white, lonely figure standing
with the sad quiet face bent down as Pilate washes his hands,
the robe unfolded to show the bleeding, sinking, exhausted
body (Ecce Homo\ the slow tramp of the crosses up the zigzag
294 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
of the hill, and then that unutterable Crucifixion, — such a scene
of bustle and confusion and sight-seeing, one of the side-crosses
in the act of being hoisted up by ropes which stretch across
one side of the picture, the other lying on the ground, and just
receiving the thief who is being laid upon it and unbound, all
in a crowd of soldiers, workmen, holiday parties, etc., with
two or three quiet gazers, and the heap of mourning women
round the foot of the one upright sullen cross, bearing the
motionless figure with its head bent down in gloom. There
are several other pictures of Tintoret's that I should like to
talk about, such as the 'Last Judgement,' another 'Cruci
fixion,' the ' Descent into Hades,' etc., but I have not time.
But Paul Veronese, whom long before I left Venice I learned
to love most thoroughly, must have a few words. He has
nothing of Tintoret's depth and awfulness, but his most rich
and pure delight in beauty (especially of colour), without an
atom of sensuality, in any sense of the word, and united
usually to most vigorous manhood, is inexpressibly delightful.
It was also a great pleasure to learn to know Bonifazio,
Giorgione, etc., not to speak of the elder school, Carpaccio,
Catena, Cima di Conegliano, etc. About John Bellini I must
have some talk with you another time. I must, however, just
mention (not as Venetian !) one most glorious Garofalo in the
Academy. On my return from Venice with the Bullers I again
saw Padua ; unluckily we were much hurried at S. Antonio's
Church, one Gothic chapel of which was very striking. The
Palazzo della Ragione is also worth telling about another time.
At Verona I was compelled to stay another day, and saw San
Zenone and the Amphitheatre very enjoyably in company with
the Bullers. The former, as you perhaps know, is one of the
finest and most characteristic late Lombard churches, and full
of interest ; the cloister is very exquisite, with hardly a particle
of ornament. On Friday I came on alone to Milan, meaning
to start for the Simplon at midnight, but was ashamed to pass
by everything unseen, and therefore stayed a day. Yesterday
I saw first of all Leonardo's ' Last Supper.' I will only say
now that it is far greater even in its ruin and bedaubment than
any of the engravings ; but it does not satisfy me, though it is
impossible not to love it very dearly ; it reminds me of one of
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295
Manning's sermons ; one longs for a little more honest realism,
even at the cost of some sweetness and refinement. My next
sight was Sant' Ambrogio, a most peculiar Lombard Church
of the ninth century, as interesting as San Zenone, though
ruder and less beautiful. Next I went to the Brera Gallery,
where, unluckily, there was an exhibition of shiny new
Milanese pictures hiding the old ones in a great measure.
Moreover, we were turned out by a file of soldiers at a very
early hour, so that about the only good picture I had any
time for was Raffaelle's ' Marriage of the Virgin'; and I caught
flying glimpses of a glorious Francia and a similar Garofalo.
(By the way, I forgot to mention two most beautiful Peruginos
in the Venice Manfrini Gallery, both of which I took at first
for excellent second-rate RarTaelles.) From the Brera I went
to the Cathedral, a very queer building, and not at all to my
taste. Unluckily the haze spoiled the view from the highest
point of the lantern that can be ascended. The Cathedral is
like a monstrous chapel in the style of the ' Mediaeval ' Court
of the Great Exhibition, stuck all over with innumerable large
slender pinnacles, each bearing a statue, and one of them (to
use a medical phrase) hypertrophied.
To THE REV. JOHN ELLERTON
HARDWICK, September 2$t/i, 1854.
. . . My last was, I think, closed at Isola Bella. ... On
the nth I took a boat to Baveno and then joined the
Simplon diligence. At 6 [A.M.] one of the passengers and
myself got out at Isella, the last village in Italy, and walked
up the pass through the very fine gorge of Gondo to the
village of Simplon, where we breakfasted. Just as we were
setting out afresh, the diligence came up ; and it finally over
took us about a third of the way down the pass on the Swiss
side. At Brieg I found great difficulties (of expense, time,
etc.) in the way of my glacier plans ; so that, to cut a long
story short, I was obliged to abandon them, and started next
day by diligence for Turtman. I saw at Turtman a very
pretty fall, and made arrangements for a walk next day over
296 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
the Loetschberg. This is a glacier pass from the Vallais into
the Berne valleys a few miles east of that of the Gemmi, and
some 1200 or 1400 feet higher; the walk is very long at both
ends. I was a good deal tired when I reached Kandersteg
late in the evening after a day of magnificent and rarely visited
views ; however, it did me a world of good. Next day I
thought it safer to do no more than wander about the
Oeschinen Thai, luxuriating in the alpine air and vegetation
and the splendid glaciers and crags around me. . . .
On Wednesday morning I went by rail to Frankfurt, and
thence again to Castel, the fortified suburb of Mainz across
the Rhine. Here, after some delay, I embarked, but before
very long we stuck in the mud. This and the necessity of
returning some way in order to get into a deeper channel
made us some hours late, and the lout of a captain would not
venture as far as Cologne that night, but deposited us at
Coblenz. I was able, however, before it got dark, to see the
best part of the Rhine, which fell below even my very low
expectations. At 5 A.M. we again embarked, and reached
Cologne. I stayed there and saw the Cathedral and some of
the churches. I hardly knew what to expect as to the quality
of the Cathedral, but its size is not very great. As well as I
could make out, the very oldest part must have been in the
usual German Gothic style, to which I cannot get reconciled, —
the windows all elaborate exaggerated lancets very close
together, and the whole stuck over with a forest of vapid
pinnacles, the high-pitched roof being the redeeming point.
There is, however, in the choir (the original part) much very
beautiful work inside and some excellent windows. Being
alone, I did not pay the extravagant sum for admission to see
the shrine of the Three Kings ; but the Dombild, a most
lovely specimen of early Cologne painting, delighted me
exceedingly. It is difficult to judge properly of the nave and
aisles, as they have at present a false roof, but the general
effect is good, and the clerestory undeniably beautiful, though
wanting in real freedom. The modern carving is much
praised, but seemed to me hard and lifeless. On the whole
it will, when finished, be a noble building, but, methinks,
vastly below its reputation, and not to be compared to the
AGE 26 CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE 297
better English Cathedrals for all that constitutes real beauty.
I much doubt whether the Germans enter at all into the
genuine Gothic spirit. . . .
As at present advised, I hope to go up to Cambridge about
the loth. I have two freshmen to look after, and this will
be a very busy term with me. The Le Bas Prize, Mackenzie's
jSssay, the Journal of Philology r, the new Degree Syndicate,
besides the University Library and its Syndicate, and all my
own readings and writings, are quite enough to make me wish
to lose no time in getting to work. I have said very little
about my tour on the whole ; and indeed I must leave that as
it is : my own thoughts are hardly collected, and will by de
grees find their own places. I must just, however, say that
the politics of Italy now seem to me a more fearful problem
than ever. Of course it is impossible to acquiesce in the
occupation of the country by unblending foreigners; but I
felt often tempted to think that the N. Italians are only too
lucky and honoured in being governed by Germans. Their
degradation did not at all seem to be that of crushed and dis
abled men, but hopeless decrepitude of body and spirit, the
slow result of their own fearful wickedness. Piedmont is the
only visible door of hope, and that is unsatisfactory enough ;
most of its reputed partiality for Protestantism means only, I
fear, secularization, often of the most unprincipled kind. Of
course life can return, if it ever return at all, only through the
Church ; but that is just the most seemingly hopeless region
of all.
It is exceedingly annoying that I could not be at Cam
bridge when you were there. I hope you found time to see
Ely. The choir is now becoming so magnificent that there
can be few greater architectural glories in England.
To THE REV. JOHN ELLERTON
CAMBRIDGE, November ift/t, 1854.
. . . My time gets more and more occupied. Besides
the Library Syndicate I am this term on a new and important
Syndicate for reforming Little-go and the Pol. You may guess
298 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
we are pretty active, as we met yesterday and meet again
to-morrow. We have already agreed to many recommenda
tions, but it remains to be seen whether the Senate will adopt
them ; inter alia we propose to abolish Paley's Moral Philo
sophy. I have also been appointed a Trinity Examiner, and
shall have to take the Butler's Sermons and Whewell at
Christmas, and the Gorgias, Butler's Analogy^ and Church
History in the May. I have also (without my consent being
asked) been made a classical examiner for the Pol (Cic. de off.
iii. and the Hippolytus), which is a great bore, as it involves
coming up in the middle of January.
Then I am getting on well with Mackenzie's Essay , and
have plenty to do for the Journal of Philology to get it out by
the end of the month. This evening I have been correcting
the proof of a stiff but, I suppose, valuable paper of H.
Browne's on Clement of Alexandria's N. T. chronology, — a
slow and laborious process from the multiplicity of figures.
I am also at work as usual at the University Library MSS.,
and occasionally do a little at Greek Testament, as a treat. I
have just finished Heartsease with much delight ; but, with all
its beauty and wisdom, I can hardly enjoy it so much as the
Heir of Redclyffe. But it says much for Miss Yonge that one
does not get sick of Violet; and Theodora is perfect, and
Percy scarcely less. I have nibbled at a very different book,
Ferrier's long-expected Institutes of Metaphysic^ which is read
able and seemingly not without value ; it is at all events some
thing to find an absolutist Scotchman, however fantastic a one.
I should like much to know your views of Maurice's new book
on Sacrifice. There is nothing, I believe, that positively
repels me (as parts of the Essays did), and there is much
(especially the last sermon) which makes him dearer than
ever. The Working Men's College is far more hopeful ; it
does seem as if he had at last found a thoroughly healthy
modus of social improvement ; and is it not grand, Ruskin's
joining in the teaching ?
Time and space alike are wanting to do more than allude
to the one engrossing subject of these fearful days of suspense.
It is somewhat paradoxical, but I believe I feel far more happy
than otherwise even at the losses we have sustained ; every
AGE 26 CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE 299
despatch seems to carry fresh assurance that God has not
ceased to go forth with our armies, even though He may
allow every man in the Crimea to perish by the enemy. Some
times I fancy it is well for us Churchmen to have our love for
England thus quickened and deepened before we are tempted
to hate her for outrages against Christ's Church. But I be
lieve these are faithless thoughts, though they will come. —
Ever yours affectionately, FENTON J. A. HORT.
To THE REV. JOHN ELLERTON
HARDWICK, December 30^, 1854 ;
January 2.nd, 1855.
You will have seen that the new Theological Tripos
was passed ' unanimously ' ; the truth is, there were but few
in the Senate House. Some who objected were unwilling to
give the first nonplacet ; others (myself included) did not dis
cover that the graces were being read till the whole was over.
I am not, however, very sorry ; the present plan is infinitely
less objectionable than the other, and perhaps it is not alto
gether amiss that the experiment should be tried. Some
changes of detail will by and bye have to be made ; e.g. it is
not only ridiculous but very mischievous that candidates for
Honours in Theology should be required to know no more
Church History than that of the first three centuries and the
Reformation. The proposed changes in Little-go and the Pol
do not come before the Senate till next term, when we shall
also, I suppose, have a report from the St. Mary's Syndicate,
which is at present divided against itself. Whewell and
Willis are violent upholders of Golgotha and the ' preaching
house ' theory of St. Mary's : Harvey Goodwin (whom I am
glad to see appointed Hulsean Lecturer) is, I believe, leader
of the opposition.
There has been some excitement at Cambridge about
Rowland Williams' sermons before the University this month.
Unluckily I did not hear any of them; but I suspect they
must have been really very heterodox, and certainly very odd,
though, it is said, beautiful compositions. Selwyn's sermons
were, as you may well suppose, a great treat. It was very
300 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP.
interesting to see how with a mind unphilosophical and nearly
untheological he was driven by the realities of his life to feed
on the highest Catholic truths. The subject of his Ramsden
sermon seemed perpetually to dwell in his mind, — ' the
prayers of the Son of God.' It was amusing to see how he
seemed to fancy that all Cambridge was troubled with doubts
about Unity and in danger of going over to Rome ! But
his speech at the Propagation Society meeting was the
grandest thing of all. He began in a low voice with adminis
tering one of the most terrible rebukes I ever heard in the
gentlest and most gentlemanly form, and then spoke with
extraordinary rapidity for a considerable while, every minute
making one feel more strongly the depth of his wisdom.
Dear old Blunt then said a few words, which I could not
catch ; and Harvey Goodwin made a speech which would
have been good at an earlier hour, but was then too long and
fell flat. I hope we shall not lose altogether the quickening
effects of his visits to Cambridge.
One of the most important events of the year
1855, as showing Hort's active interest in other
matters than those directly concerning a scholar, was
the establishment of a Working Men's College at Cam
bridge. In the following year he, along with Maurice,
assisted at the inauguration of a similar institution at
Oxford, one of the very few occasions on which he
made a public speech. On the occasion of this visit
to Oxford he took an ad eundem degree. His diary
and correspondence about this time are for some
reason very scanty. The Crimean War was much in
his mind. His thoughts on the tragedy of the
war were given a personal turn by the death at
Malta of a young officer's wife, for whom he and his
friend Blunt had a great regard. Their feeling about
the war, thus intensified by sympathy with the sorrow
of common friends, took shape in the anonymous
IV
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
301
I
joint publication of a little volume of verse called
Peace in War. The last only of the poems, that
called ' Tintern,' was by Hort ; it was suggested by
a walk taken in October 1855 to the ruined abbey,
which was one of the chief delights in the neigh
bourhood of his new Chepstow home. The poem,
somewhat difficult and compressed as is its style, ex
hibits a command of language which the writer did
not at all times possess. Apart from its beauty,
this, his one original poetic utterance, is interesting on
that ground alone, but it is perhaps chiefly remark
able biographically as evidence of a mind which
regarded every passing event not in isolation, but as
part of the great scheme of human life, which even
in early manhood * saw life steadily, and saw it
whole.' The occasion which had prompted his friend's
verses is merged in the thought of the general tragedy
of the war, while the war itself is treated as part of
the universal mystery of pain and death ; and, charac
teristically, pain becomes the ground of a manly
optimism ; the ' peace ' is like that of which a more
recent poet speaks :
Not Peace that grows by Lethe, scentless flower,
There in white languors to decline and cease ;
But Peace whose names are also Rapture, Power,
Clear sight and Love, for these are parts of Peace.1
TINTERN, OCTOBER 1855
So stood the clustering hills
About the sacred nest,
When first stern English wills
Disturbed its grassy rest ;
So glowed or gloomed the narrowed sky
On labouring limb and praying eye.
1 William Watson, 'Wordsworth's Grave.'
302 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP.
When round the crumbling walls
May's brightest blooms are shed,
And earth's fresh glory falls
Alive athwart the dead ;
The heart within us will rejoice,
And answer with its human voice.
For then her choicest stores
The foster-mother brings,
And duteously adores
Her ancient priests and kings ;
New decking after winter's rage
The tomb that marks a perished age.
And we are of to-day ;
The spring in leaf and bud
More meetly than decay
Beats time to dancing blood :
Our wayward eye will scarcely brook
On unattempered death to look.
But holier yet the sight,
When summer's glare is gone,
And chill autumnal light
Is searching every stone,
Till faint amid the paling blue
Calm golden stars steal trembling through.
For now in lonely air
The ruin lonely stands ;
The beauty still is there
That grew by human hands :
The year's young glory dying lies ;
But this endures through wintry skies.
Through no deceitful mask
The foster-mother still
Pursues her gracious task,
Is bright or dark at will :
The promise of her spring were less
But for her autumn mournfulness.
iv CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE 303
And giving of her mirth,
And taking of their tears,
She soothes mankind from birth
Through all the fitful years :
The face whose gladness wakes their own
Diviner yet in grief is known.
'Tis better far to stand
Full face to face with death,
To grip his grinding hand,
To feel his stiffening breath,
Than heap vain veils to hide away
The tokens of his certain sway.
For when we know him well,
We know him conquered too ;
Unknown, the depths of hell
Breed phantoms ever new ;
But they who dwell within the light
Need fear no shade that haunts the night.
Deep autumn's solemn voice
Is music to the ear,
When we would fain rejoice,
But cannot stifle fear :
Such evening tones give strength to gaze
On threatening dawns of latter days.
For, while the hurrying years
Flash by to join the past,
A swarm of nameless fears
Buzz round us thick and fast ;
We cower from ghosts of coming ill,
And hug the present closer still.
Its joys are all we crave,
Its voice seems always true ;
We long that one deep grave
Might swallow old and new ;
Cling blindly to life's outer crust,
And only live because we must.
304 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP.
The works of elder time
Afflict us with their peace ;
Their presence seems a crime ;
Though dead they will not cease :
In vain we strive alone to dwell,
Unbidden faces mock the spell.
And round the aimless dance
Of mad unrest within
The outer lightnings glance,
World-thunders shake their din ;
From nook to nook in grief or dread
The pulses of the tempest spread.
With fiercer, blinder pride
Death gluts his shortened reign ;
His cunning poisons glide
Through many a living vein ;
And swifter struck with sudden might
His thousands pass from mortal sight.
Yet blest be every power
That breaks the dreadful trance ;
In such tumultuous hour
The hosts of truth advance ;
And welcome all, though rough its guise,
That rends the film from dreamy eyes.
What but a coward breast
Would sigh for only calm ?
And he, that woos his rest,
Knows neither peace nor palm ;
But richer joys will heal the smarts
Of valiant arms and loving hearts.
Then ask we not the tomb
To render back the past.
From time's all-fruitful womb
The fairest springs the last ;
And long-forgotten years obey
The works and glories of to-day.
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
Yet 'mid the roaring throng
Tis well to hear arise
The silent evening song
Of yonder autumn skies,
Bring back yon roofless aisles, and hold
Strange converse with the times of old.
So from the inner shrine
Yet holier strains may steal,
And all the heart divine
Of earthly forms reveal ;
Weak moulds of dust no longer hide
The dead and living side by side.
305
Then back to earth once more.
She hath her glory too ;
Nor lacks she heavenly lore
For them that read her true ;
And changeful gleams may show aright
The changeless and eternal light.
When Christmas bells shall ring
Across the lifeless snow,
We too will gladly sing
The joy above the woe ;
No storm of earth shall keep afar
The peace that cannot turn to war.
And, when through budding trees
Blithe Easter chimes shall bound,
Tossed on the quickening breeze
In waves of throbbing sound,
We will not scorn the bliss of spring
For all our autumn murmuring ;
But cherish, as we may,
The living fire that burns
In growth and in decay,
In light and shade by turns ;
And greet through veils of sunlit tears
The perfect sum of deathless years.
306 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
The authorship of ' Tintern ' was not disclosed ;
it was guessed, however, by Daniel Macmillan.
In 1856 Hort took priest's orders at Ely. In the
same year he examined, for the first time, for the
Natural Sciences Tripos. The Councils of the Work
ing Men's College and of the Cambridge Philosophical
Society occupied much time. Much also was given to
the composition of the monograph on S. T. Coleridge,
which appeared in the Cambridge Essays for 1856.
The essay itself is compressed, and its scope could
hardly be indicated by any attempt at further abstrac
tion ; it considers Coleridge as a man, a poet, a theo
logian, a philosopher, and shows a remarkably deep
and wide acquaintance both with Coleridge and with
Coleridge's teachers. Mr. Leslie Stephen once spoke
of it to me as the only serious attempt known to him
to give a coherent account of Coleridge's philosophy.
The nervous vigour of the style seems to show that
composition, in spite of the difficulty of the subject,
came easier to the writer at this age (twenty-eight)
than at most periods of his life ; but the appearance
may after all be deceptive.
In the May term Hort had a short experience of
the work of a college lecturer. In the Long Vacation
he spent nearly two months in Switzerland, chiefly in
company with Lightfoot. The principal climbing
event of the tour was the ascent of the Jungfrau, of
which Hort's own description may be read in the
Eggischhorn climbing-book. Later in the month he
engaged the afterwards famous guide, Melchior Ander-
egg, with whom he crossed by a little known pass from
Schwarenbach to Sierre in the Rhone valley. The rest
of the time was spent mainly in the Mont Blanc region,
in company partly with four other Fellows of Trinity,
AGE 26 CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE 307
— Lightfoot, the Rev. J. LI. Davies, Mr. F. Vaughan
Hawkins, and Mr. (now the Rev. Dr.) H. W. Watson.
The chief object of the tour had been to ascend Mont
Blanc from the St. Gervais side ; four attempts were
made, but all were frustrated by bad weather. Hort,
who took part in the last three of the excursions, wrote
very full accounts to his parents and to Ellerton, some
of which, familiar as the ground is now, are interesting
as showing what kind of difficulties confronted the
pioneers of the science of mountaineering. The story
of these experiences is also told by Mr. Vaughan
Hawkins in Peaks, Passes, and Glaciers (ist series,
1859, PP. 58-74)-
A notable feature of these expeditions was Hort's
attempt at photography in the high Alps. He
carried to considerable heights a full-plate camera of
the cumbrous make of the period, and took several
pictures. Unluckily the waxed paper was kept too
long undeveloped, and all Hort's efforts, assisted by
his friend W. T. Kingsley, with whom he did much
photographic work, could not produce a presentable
picture.
To MR. H. BRADSHAW
CAMBRIDGE, February $th, 1855.
... I have just been reading in the sheets of Kingsley's
Westward Jfo/a. capital description of the attempt of the
Spaniards to effect a lodgement in Munster in 1580, and have
been so much interested by it that I daresay I shall some day
make an effort to discover what your books 1 may contain
about it. Kingsley's novel is the very thing to come out
now, — judging by so much of it as I have read ; and I think
you will enjoy it thoroughly. The only fault I have to find
with it is that he will not leave those poor Stuarts alone.
1 Bradshaw had recently become a master at St. Columba's College,
near Dublin.
3o8 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
To THE REV. GARNONS WILLIAMS (his Brother-in-law)
CAMBRIDGE, March 8th, 1855.
... I am glad you find some spirit still left even in the
printed text of Selwyn's Sermons. To myself, who heard
three of them delivered, they seem in reading almost tame as
compared with what they sounded from the pulpit, — as indeed
I felt was likely to be the case, when I heard them. Now it
is necessary to conjure up his face and voice and combine them
with the words, before I can really enter into the sermons.
This fact, however, does not make them less valuable to
readers. It only confirms my previous impression that his
greatness lies rather in his energy, resolution, generosity,
and singleness of heart than in any specially intellectual
brilliancy.
We have lately had a magnificent gift to our College
Library. Dear old Archdeacon Hare left us his whole German
library of 3000 volumes, by far the best in this country, and
rich in valuable books and tracts hard to meet with even in
Germany ; he also sent a message that he would have given
us his classical and theological books besides, but that he
feared to burden us with duplicates of books that we had
already. Mrs. Hare, however, entreated that we would send
some one to choose out any that we pleased. Before he
arrived, however, she had herself picked out and sent off some
valuable large serial works, for fear we might have scruples
about taking them ! Altogether we have from 4500 to 5000
volumes. He has also given us busts of Coleridge and of
your bishop,1 which I have not yet seen. Poor Thirlwall is
sadly cut up, I hear from those who saw him at the funeral.
Hare was his dearest friend ; and the very great benefits which
they have both rendered to English literature were mainly
connected with the employments in which they were associated
together. Well, here is the end of a sheet; so I will say
good-night. — Ever your affectionate brother,
FENTON J. A. HORT.
1 Viz. the Bishop of St. David's.
AGE 26
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
309
To THE REV. GERALD BLUNT
CAMBRIDGE, March nth and 2Otk, 1855.
You ask about Ellis.
knew him personally.
never
I am sorry to say ; but, when a freshman, I often saw him. I
should suspect that he knows more than any man living, and
is among the deepest thinkers ; he is also one of the purest
and humblest Christians. But his living martyrdom cannot
last much longer ; for months he has not been able to move a
limb.
I have heard but little about dear old Hare. One hardly
knew how one loved him till he was gone. You gave me a
sad shock in writing about him ; telling me that I " must gird
up my loins and take up the " here the page ended ; when
I turned it, and saw the next words " prophetic mantle," they
gave a thorough chill. But just then the conclusion of that
precious sermon on Saul, which I remember so well describing
to you as we shouldered our way through the confusion of
Bishopsgate Street, occurred to me, and relieved me by
making me feel that in that sense I could accept your words
and wish their fulfilment, to " desire not the power of the
prophets but their obedience, not to speak inspired words, but
to have the humble and contrite heart which He does not
despise." But enough of this.
... A large number of books worth mention have come
out lately, but I must only speak of one or two. First and
foremost is Kingsley's Westward Ho! which is published
to-morrow. He has quite surpassed himself; all his old
energy and geniality, tempered with thorough self-restraint and
real Christian wisdom. The suffering and anxiety he has
endured now for some time have obviously much purified and
chastened him, and rather increased than lessened his strength
and elasticity. I hardly know a more wholesome book for any
one to read. Personally I feel deeply indebted to it, though
I suppose its lessons, like most others, will prove transitory
enough. Don't smile ; but my first impulse, after reading it,
was to wish myself chaplain of the Dauntless. For the first
i Robert Leslie Ellis.
310 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
time, while I have been writing this down, the thought of one
John Brimblecombe has flashed upon me, as likely when you
read the book to appear whimsically to you to have suggested
to me that wish ; but the fact is I never thought of him and
his chaplaincy in connexion with the subject till this moment.
It is some time since I read the book, and the wish is not yet
quite melted away, but I suppose it is sufficiently fantastic. I
ought to say that Westward Ho / will very possibly not be
popular. Some will say that it is too like a book of travels ;
others, like a common novel, etc. etc. Its great fault is its
dearness, so that I must wait for the cheap edition. Kingsley
has also printed (anonymously) a little tract for soldiers,
Brave Words for Brave Men, a dilution of a passage in that
astonishing sermon of Maurice's on 'the Word of God
conquering by sacrifice.' It is very spirited and good, but
not all I could wish. Great numbers have been already sold
for distribution. Maurice's Edinburgh Lectures, and also those
on Learning and Working, will soon be out in one volume ;
I have not seen them. Parker has started as a speculation
two yearly volumes like reviews, Oxford Essays and Cambridge
Essays. The latter will be out in the autumn ; the former has
been out some weeks. They are mainly pleasant, but not
very substantial reading, except one invaluable paper by
Froude on the study of English History, full of the best kind
of toryism. Trench has brought out another nice little book
on the English language, Past and Present. Another genuine
poet has arisen, to whom I hope some day to introduce you,
one Coventry Patmore. His (anonymous) Angel in the House
is coming into notice, at least at Cambridge ; but his previous
volume (Tamerton Church Tower), which I have read to-day,
is better still.
Do pray give me a good long letter very soon, such a letter
as you used sometimes to write in days when you had neither
wife nor bairns ; for I am always less bad when there is any
thing of you to help me. All love to aforesaid wife and
bairns. — Ever your affectionate friend,
FENTON J. A. HORT.
AGE 2(
: GRADUATE LIFE
To THE REV. GERALD BLUNT
HARDWICK, April io//z, 1 R
LLOWES,1 April \f>th, } 55'
You have been, I think, a little wilful in your way
of understanding my implied accusation. I never charged
you with writing worse letters in quality, since you became a
noun of multitude. But I have enough materialism in me to
think that quantity has its merits as well as quality ; and I do
say that for the last three years your letters have been too
often seasoned with 'the soul of wit,' to a height unpleasing
to my dainty palate and insatiable maw.
The London trip was a very pleasant one. We are think
ing of establishing a Working Men's College in Cambridge,
something like that in London. They were going on the
Thursday to have the tea which opens their term, and
Davies wanted some of us to come and be present, which I
was not sorry to do, as I wanted much to consult him and
Maurice on some points. So Vesey 2 and I went up together,
he being quartered on the Butlers, I on Davies. We had a
pleasant evening enough ; I sat next to Maurice and had some
talk. Friday was chiefly spent with Vesey and Butler,3 seeing
the great new church in Margaret Street. By the way, you
ask about Butler, as if you ought to have known him. But
the fact is, he has but just taken his degree, being senior
classic. He is a son of the late Dean of Peterborough, brother
of Spencer Butler (in the year below ours), an old Rugby
friend of mine, and of George Butler, who was my host at
Oxford when I was ordained. He is a very noble fellow;
indeed I do not think I love any one now at Cambridge so
well. I dined with the Butlers in Westbournia, and then we
went to Exeter Hall to hear Mendelssohn's * Lobgesang ' and
Mozart's ' Requiem.' Next day I dined with Maurice alone
at two, and then had a thoroughly enjoyable talk with him of
two or three hours about the College and other matters, and
1 In Herefordshire, the parish of his brother-in-law, the Rev. Garnons
Williams.
2 The Rev. F. G. (now Archdeacon) Vesey.
3 H. Montagu Butler, now Master of Trinity College, Cambridge.
312 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
he gave me his new book, Learning and Working^ which is
worth its weight in gold. Next morning I went to Davies'
church, and heard him preach ; in the afternoon to Lincoln's
Inn, and heard a good sermon from Maurice; and in the
evening to St. Bartholomew's, Stepney, where Kingsley was to
preach for Vivian, Davies' friend and neighbour. Kingsley
was almost late ; he looked very haggard, worn, and wild ; but
the sermon was one which few who heard it are likely ever to
forget. You know I don't like his printed sermons in general,
but this was quite another thing. It showed even more than
Westward Ho! how deeply his distresses had worked in
purifying and chastening him, and making him more of a
Christian, as well as more of a man. After church he came
for a few moments into the parsonage. I shook hands with
him, but he had forgotten my face, for which he was almost
ready to go on his knees when I told him my name;
but we had no opportunity for talk. As he was going,
the drawing-room being crowded, I went after him into the
room where the hats were, with Vivian and some one else.
When he saw me, he reproached himself violently for having
been on the point of going without saying good-bye, took me
by both hands, and asked when we could really meet.
Fortunately he will be in London (he even talks of Cam
bridge) all June, and indeed will be hanging about London
most of the year, as he is going to rebuild his parsonage in a
less noxious spot. When I saw and heard and felt him again,
I thought of what you had said last summer, and forgave you
for your preference of him to Maurice, though my own
judgement was unchanged. The grip of his hand would be a
cordial for almost any ill ; and it seems impossible to despair
of anything while he is among the living.
Llowes, April i6th. — I meant to have finished this letter
before, but find it hard to get time for writing here. . . . The
new church here, though small, is one of the most beautiful
modern ones I have seen ; it has its blemishes, but it is a real
luxury to look at it, and would be still more so to have for
one's own church. Yesterday I preached my first sermon, but
it was necessarily only in the schoolroom.
... I ought not to forget to mention Maurice's Lectures
AGE 27
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
313
on Learning and Working and on Roman Religion. They
are some of the profoundest, cleverest, and most delightful
things he has written, and full of invaluable hints on education
and politics. I must now have done, only expressing a hope
that you will continue to uphold the honour of wife and
children (to whom all love) by the excellence of your corre
spondence. — Ever yours affectionately,
FENTON J. A. HORT.
To THE REV. B. F. WESTCOTT
HARDWICK, October 2nd, 1855.
... I am sorry to say I have not read more than half a
volume of Jowett1 as yet. But the day before yesterday I
read his essay on Natural Religion. Few, if any, of the
thoughts were new to me ; but it gives one a high impression
of his goodness and wisdom. The facts (at least the modern
facts) are indisputable, but is not his conclusion, so far as he
has a conclusion, blank scepticism ? After all he says very
little about physical 'theology,' which seems to be your
subject just now. I confess I have thought and care com
paratively little for that aspect of the matter, and have a strong
Job-like feeling, "The deep saith, It is not in me," etc., but I
should much like a talk with you.
To HIS MOTHER
CAMBRIDGE, October 24^, 1855.
. . . Mackenzie's Essay is at last really published, I am
happy to say, and looks very well. I forgot to order to-day
a copy for my father, as he asked me, but I will send one
to-morrow. We have had several visitors the last few days,
which partly accounts for the flight of time. One of these
is a friend of mine who has been away some years, and is
a brother worshipper of brambles. We spent a considerable
part of a day in looking and talking over the large bundle
1 Viz. Professor Jowett's edition of St. Paul's Epistles to the Thessa-
lonians, Galatians> and Romans.
3H FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
that I had brought home this year. But it was curious to
find how few of my forms he could recognize as Worces
tershire friends. Another visitor, who is here still, is Dr.
Tregelles of Plymouth, whose life is completely given up to
the restoration of the Greek text of the New Testament,
and whom I was therefore particularly glad to know personally,
though we had exchanged several letters before.
To THE REV. GERALD BLUNT
CAMBRIDGE, November \%th and 26tk, 1855.
My dear Blunt — The time has slipped away unaccountably
without my writing, but I will not waste any more in making
excuses. I do not know that I have anything more to say
about the subject of subjects.1 I suppose you are right in
thinking that the last generation did not die away in the same
fearful way. This we owe partly, I suppose, to their and their
fathers' escapes ; partly also, perhaps, to the fierce and furious
life which we live within nowadays; at least I have not
noticed such mortality among thick-skinned and tepid persons.
But if we live fewer years, we have far more of life crowded
into every year. And after all, could we desire to live in a
time when God was less sharply and pertinaciously forcing the
sensation of His presence upon us ? I for one wish always to
keep in mind the motto to Yeast ', " The days will come, when
ye shall desire to see one of the days of the Son of Man, and
ye shall not see it." And — once more — have we not a
miserable, cowardly dread of physical death, such as no
Christian age ever had before, and do we in our hearts suffi
ciently believe that all live unto God ? . . .
I have been induced to take fresh work in the shape of
examining for the Natural Science Tripos in the spring, and
also for the different Professorial certificate examinations in
the same subjects. There is so much now to draw me away
from natural science that I am not sorry to be compelled to
stick to it, as I am sure that in moderation it is good for me
in particular, and partly for everybody ; besides, it is a great
1 The Crimean War.
AGE 27
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
315
enjoyment. I am just treating myself to a first-rate micro
scope, which will be a great accession. By the way, I am
also going to start Photography.
I have never told you, I believe, about the Working Men's
College which we have set up here like that in town. It is
too long a story for a letter, but I will send you Harvey
Goodwin's Inaugural Lecture when it appears, which will tell
you something. I take the second Latin class, and lecture
for an hour on Thursday evening, chiefly catechetically.
Even if the educational results are poor, it is a vast gain to
both sides that the University men and any kind of working
men should be brought into that kind of intercourse. It is a
strangely happy feeling to see the softened and bright kindly
eyes of those young fellows looking up at one. Maurice is
coming here on Friday for a night to see how we get on
(though he has no connexion with us), and we are all to meet
him at Goodwin's house.
About Jowett, I don't think you could go beyond me in
enjoying and praising him. His wonderful sympathy, depth
of insight into men, and thorough love of truth and fact are
above praise ; but, alas ! his theological conclusions seem to
me blank atheism, though he is anything but an atheist.
Even the learning and scholarship of the book you must not
accept on trust. It is nearly always second-hand, and often
quite wrong. I have not yet been able to do much more
than look over Sydney Smith, but it seems very delightful.
It is very obvious that we have never done him justice. Still
we should be in a very bad way now if we had not had at the
same time far deeper men, whom he probably both mis
understood and despised. Miss Forssteen will probably have
told you of the volume of Lectures to Ladies, which even now
I have not finished. Several are invaluable, — Maurice's of
course, also Dr. Chambers', Davies', and a thoroughly practical
and sensible one of Kingsley's ; it is remarkable as the only
place where I remember to have seen him speak despondingly
of the state of England, and it is a sad confirmation of one's
own fears. Bunsen will of course have shown you the
delightful translations of German hymns which another Miss
Winkworth has published. If you remember any of our talks
3i 6 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
about Novalis, you will read with interest " What had I been
if Thou wert not ? " She has much shortened and demysticized
it ; but I cannot say spoiled it. I hope you noticed Godfrey
Arnold's " How blest to all Thy followers, Lord, the road."
Maurice has written a preface to the new edition of the Old
Testament [Sermons] (now called Patriarchs and Lawgivers),
in answer to Hansel's pamphlet on Eternity, or rather pointing
out how much must be consistently given up by those who
profess to adopt Hansel's philosophical scheme against him.
He has also written a preface of 100 pages to Hare's Charges,
which are going to be collected into one volume (including
the unprinted ones). The preface will be, as he intimates
himself, a comment on the English Church History of the last
fifteen years. A very noble Scotchman named Campbell,
who was turned out of the Kirk with Irving, Alex. Scott, etc.,
for asserting that God does not will the death of a sinner, is
publishing at Hacmillan's a valuable book on the Atonement,
much of which I have read. It is quiet and evangelical in
tone, and not at all alarming ; I do not think it meets all
sides of the question, but it expresses my own ideas better
than any book I ever saw.
To HIS HOTHER
CAMBRIDGE, November 30^, 1855.
... I had an extremely kind note from Hrs. Hackenzie,
thankfully praising the book, and telling me that all friends,
Lord Hurray in particular, wrote to her to the same effect. I
can honestly say that I was perfectly disinterested in undertak
ing the labour; but I have no doubt that, if ever I go to
Edinburgh, as Hrs. Mackenzie has often pressed me to do, I
shall find there that it has gained me several kindly-disposed
friends.
To THE REV. JOHN ELLERTON
HARDWICK, January 2nd and *jth, 1856.
Hy dear Ellerton — I feel some shame at having acted on
what looks like commercial principles in not writing because
AGE 27
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317
you owe me a letter ; but I have written hardly any letters the
last few months beyond what have been absolutely necessary,
and it really seems as if every month I had less and less time
for anything, while yet the results are painfully empty.
I have not much to tell you about myself. What chiefly
occupied me last year was Mackenzie's Essay, of which I hope
you received a copy that I sent by post. This last term I
hardly know what I have been doing, except the ordinary
work of our Journal of Philology, and preparing a rather
elaborate article on the date of Justin Martyr,1 which I have
not yet finished. Examinations also take up time. ... As for
plans for the year, it is far too early to think of them, and I
now never know my fate for a month beforehand. But
Lightfoot and I have some vague ideas of getting three or
four weeks together at Paris to collate MSS., he of Clement of
Alexandria, and I of Epiphanius ; and the experience of
eighteen months ago was so favourable as to my health, that
I dream of trying to get four or five weeks more among the
glaciers. But this is all among the clouds.
You would be surprized at the changes at Cambridge.
The tutors now are Mathison, Thacker, and Munro. Dear
old Munro groans under the infliction, but I think it will do
him a great deal of good. We have had a great loss in
Scott,2 but one could not grudge him to Westminster. The
most important man, I think, now in Trinity is Lightfoot, from
whom I expect a great deal. He always seemed solid, a good
scholar, and disposed to be a learned and thoughtful theologian;
but I was hardly prepared for the vivacity and liberality which
he has shown in the last few months. He is certainly West-
cott's best pupil. At St. John's we have lost Hutchinson, who
has just married and gone to Birmingham ; but the two Mayors
and Roby are invaluable in their several ways.
But perhaps the most important Cambridge matter of all
has been the establishment of the Working Men's College. . . .
Somewhere about October 1854 Montagu Butler (a most
excellent fellow, — and brother 'Apostle,' — senior classic last
spring, and elected Fellow of Trinity his first time) spoke to
1 See Journal of Classical and Sacred Philology r, No. viii. p. 155.
2 The Rev. C. B. Scott.
3i8 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
me on the subject, having been of course stimulated by the
then recent foundation of the College in London. Whether
he or Vesey was the first to suggest it for Cambridge, I don't
know ; but they consulted together. My advice was to wait
a while, till the London experiment had been fairly tried, and
then see what could be done. In December I was introduced
to Vesey, and he spoke to me about it, and I gave the same
answer. He had been similarly advised by ;;H. Goodwin.
Early last spring, however, they moved again, and this time
H. Goodwin consented to act at once ; and of course, entirely
approving the project in itself, I could not refuse to do the
same, though I should have preferred further delay. We four,
with A. Macmillan and Joe Mayor, met repeatedly and got our
ideas into shape ; we then called a meeting of friends well
disposed to the plan [and] voted (after much discussion)
several fundamental principles, the chief being that the
Council should consist exclusively of teachers and such as
should be ready to teach if called upon. Those present who
were willing to subscribe to this condition then became ipso
facto the Council, all future members being admitted on
similar terms by ballot. Harvey Goodwin was elected
Principal. After many meetings in that and May term, we
took and furnished rooms at the back of a house in the
market-place, and in October started the classes. Hitherto
the success has been in most respects all we could desire, in
number of students most remarkably so. The great principle
we have started from is to substitute for Mechanics' Institute
orations and ' lectures ' a bond fide education by means of
carefully catechetical lessons. Even if the education actually
given should prove to be small in amount, which we have no
right to assume, two great benefits must, I think, arise : ist,
the men (who are chiefly young) will be shown practically what
accurate learning and knowledge is, and will at least receive a
good lesson in genuine self-education ; and 2nd, and above
all, the University and the town will be brought face to face
in a way that cannot fail to be of the greatest possible service
to both. Indeed, over and above the object of bridging over
the chasm between classes, I am sanguine enough to hope that
the rest of the University will receive a healthy impulse towards
VGE 27
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
319
a real combination of 'learning and work,' and a practical
horrour of keeping knowledge, or anything else, 'hid in a
napkin.' I think you will allow that these are strong reasons
for doing what we can at Cambridge ; and of course the
assemblage of a good staff of teachers, such as only an
University town could furnish, is a very great help. I must not
write longer on this point, but I hope we shall soon have an
opportunity of talking it over. Maurice is of course greatly
interested in our experiment, and actually came down to us for
three nights (including Sunday) at the beginning of December.
In the morning he preached at St. Edward's for H. Goodwin,
in the evening for Tayler at St. Mary's, and you may imagine
what a pleasure it was to hear him from that pulpit. Tayler
opened the galleries (they have been closed in the evenings
since Cams' departure), and every part of the church was
crammed. He gave us a very simple and affecting sermon on
godly sorrow and the sorrow of the world, and I have some
reason to hope it conquered some prejudices. Poor dear old
- was aghast at such a pollution of St. Mary's pulpit, and
doubly so when he heard that Maurice had preached a most
inoffensive sermon, remarking that he was very sorry to hear
it, as it would only delude people into a false security.
Maurice seems to have gone back to London greatly delighted
and encouraged by his visit. He has left us a pleasant relic
of it in his portrait, which Macmillan induced him to have
taken by a photographer on Parker's Piece. Well ! unless
something fresh occurs to me, I think this must do for
Cambridge news. . . .
I cannot remember whether I mentioned to you Westcott's
new book on the N. T. Canon, as solid and thorough a book
as you will often see. A very valuable book on the Atone
ment (of which I have read four or five chapters) is just
coming out by Campbell, a great friend of Alexander Scott,
and expelled with him from the Kirk. He was at Cambridge
last term, and a milder and more beautiful spirit I have
seldom seen, with much of the wisdom that it might be
expected to produce. . . . Maurice is getting on with the
Mediaval Philosophy^ but his thoughts chiefly turn to the
last instalment of the Warburtonian Lectures, the commentary
320 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
on St. John's writings. When that shall have been published,
he tells Macmillan (but of course it must not be repeated) he
feels that his work on earth will be done. Birks has just
published at Macmillan's a book, The Difficulties of Belief.
The leading ideas seem to be a strong faith in man's freedom,
and the necessity of recognizing it in all theology, and a
horrour of attributing arbitrary and ' potter '-like conduct to
God ; and from such premises some rather weighty results
may be worked out. I hope you will see Kingsley's new
book 'for children,' The Heroes. It is nearly free from
preaching, and a singularly beautiful and truthful rendering
of the stories of Perseus, the Argonauts, and Theseus. The
engravings are by his own hand, and surprised me exceed
ingly after his failure in Glaucus. As pictures they are for
the most part very lovely, and they have caught the true
Greek spirit in a way that I do not remember to have seen
even approached. The figure of Andromeda in the frontis
piece is, I think, the best, and exquisite it is. In speaking
of Cambridge I might have mentioned the Cambridge Essays.
Most of the best contributors called off for one reason or
another when the time came, and so this number is below
what I had hoped, but still interesting. The gem of it is
Brimley's article on Tennyson, a genuine burst of hearty
enthusiasm ludicrously at variance with all dear Brimley's
pet theories (he now professes to believe in nothing but
' nervous tissue ' !), and, except in one or two groundless
cavils, a worthy vindication against the populace. The next
best article is one by Hughes of Magdalen, on the 'Future
Prospects of the British Navy,' with which should be read
his ' Cruise of the Pet,' a capital account of his voyages to
the Baltic (including Bomarsund and Sveaborg) in '54 and
'55. . . . Clark's1 (who is the editor) is too slight (on Classi
cal Education), but has two or three inimitable pages. Clark
has asked me to write in the next number, and I have under
taken a paper on Coleridge, but rather shrink from all the
reading that ought to be accomplished beforehand. Other
wise it would be difficult to find a more convenient way of
uttering several things that I want to say, especially about the
1 W. G. Clark.
AGE 27
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
321
tendencies of English philosophy. I am anxious to hear
what you have been doing in certain proposed plans. Several
promising titles of hymn-books have been advertised in the
papers during the last year, but I have seen hardly any of
them. Miss Winkworth has published under the name of
Lyra Germanica a very good selection of German hymns
from Bunsen's great collection, for the most part admirably
translated ; but they are few, and a large proportion fit only
for private use. Some of the so-called Christmas and Easter
Carols done by J. M. Neale are also, to my surprise, ex
tremely good hymns for church use ; others are simply
absurd. When I was with you at Brighton you were at
work on a scheme for a book in conjunction with your
Canterbury friends (I forget the name). I hope that is not
given up. I may as well tell you at once that in four or five
days you will receive a poem of Blunt's. The verses headed
'Tintern, October 1855,' are my own.
It is rather too late at the end of this tolerably long letter
to begin talking politics, but I must own I should be glad to
know what you are thinking of the progress of affairs. I find
so few to agree with me, that every accession gains double
the value to me that it would have for its own sake. The
preface to poor Henry Lushington's Poems seems to me still
incomparably the truest word that has yet been spoken about
the war ; and no one else seems really to feel what is at
stake. The blind ferocity of the war party and the narrow
Guizotian aims of even the noblest and bravest of the men
of peace repel one's thoughts almost alike. How one
almost curses that word civilization ! And then what a
glorious future the new seers promise us ! First, a military-
despotism, whether it be Russian or Occidental, and then a
China, a hive of ' industry.' And then how many cen
turies' work is undone in that Concordat ! Still there is hope
in this new Swedish alliance. Sweden itself, I fear, is half
rotten, morally and politically, but in Norway and Denmark,
if anywhere, can I see any promise of genuine life. I had
better stop ; so I will only send kind regards to your mother,
and, though late, every best wish for the new year. — Ever
yours affectionately, FENTON J. A. HORT.
VOL. I Y
322 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
To HIS MOTHER
CAMBRIDGE, Febmary 2%tk, 1856.
. . . You will perhaps have been expecting to hear some
thing about my ordination at Ely last Sunday week, but really
there was nothing about it on which I could write with any
pleasure. Nothing could well be more frigid and perfunctory
without being absolutely offensive.
That little creature (Chelifer by name), which I found in
the wood, turns out to be a real curiosity. It is exactly as I
supposed, intermediate between scorpions, spiders, and mites.
Both Babington and William Kingsley have known it some
years, but hardly anything has been written on the curious
little tribe to which it belongs. They are chiefly to be found
behind the loosened bark of trees. My capture is now safely
mounted in Canada balsam, and it is fortunate that our first
attempt failed, and that he was laid by in spirits of wine,
though he suffered some injuries then, and some more
since.
To THE REV. GERALD BLUNT
CAMBRIDGE, March 2Oth, 1856.
... In the new number of our Journal of Philology is a
most excellent review x of Stanley and Jowett as critics by
Lightfoot, but he purposely avoids the theology. I have,
however, just seen in MS. a big pamphlet or small book which
Davies is going to print against Jowett's theology ; in nearly
every word of which I concur, though I should like to say a
good deal more of both praise and blame. ... I think I
mentioned to you before Campbell's book on the Atonement,
which is invaluable as far as it goes ; but unluckily he knows
nothing except Protestant theology. . . .
You will all this while be wondering at my being up here
at this time. The reason will perhaps surprise you also.
Montagu Butler has accepted the post of secretary to William
Cowper, President of the Board of Health, and has just been
1 Journal of Classical and Sacred Philology, No. VII,
AGE 27
:AMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
323
suddenly summoned to his duties. The result is that his
lecture-room is left mouthless for next term. He has ac
cordingly, after consultation with Mathison, asked me to
lecture for him for next term, not as assistant tutor, but simply
as a temporary substitute. This I have agreed to do ; and am
therefore staying up to coach Tacitus for the benefit of
Mathison's freshmen. I hope it may make me regular. At
all events I like the work, though it will be laborious ; and I
shall be my own master after next term.
This last result may be of some consequence, if I carry
out a dream that I have gradually been forming of going to
Egypt, Palestine, and Syria for about January to July next.
I don't know that I shall be able to afford it, but I think I
ought to try. It is possible that I might join a probable party
consisting of Butler, Vesey, Gibson, and Lightfoot. Again I
am pretty nearly resolved to go somewhere this summer, but
where I cannot say. Health, however, is a great object ; and
that combined with pleasure point very strongly to M. Rosa
and the glaciers. . . .
We had an election of a musical professor a little while
ago (when Sterndale Bennett, to my great joy, was elected
triumphantly), and Trench came up to vote \ he breakfasted
with me next morning, and I meant to have given him Peace
in War, but forgot it. I have now, however, sent it to him.
I have also sent it anonymously to Ruskin and Keble.
I have done very little for Coleridge yet, but must work at
him this term ; the essay will be far less elaborate than I had
once thought of making it. I have not yet finished off Justin
Martyr, but hope to do so very soon. By the way, any news
from the Roman Bishops? I have had a vague idea of
writing a (much wanted) pamphlet on examinations, but shall
probably not have time. The ground is also partly occupied
by a good book lately published by Donaldson on classical
learning and scholarship. Much the most interesting and
substantial book come out lately is Archer Butler's Lectures on
Ancient Philosophy (i.e. Plato and his predecessors, Aristotle's
Psychology^ and a little of the Neoplatonists), with very
excellent notes by Thompson. I have just got and begun a
huge new ^////-juvenile book by the [author of the] Heir of
324 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
Reddyffe, The Daisy Chain, which seems promising. By the
way, I forgot last term to advise you to read Shirley Brooks'
Aspen Court) if you see it. Thinking of it afterwards, I don't
like it as I did at first, but it deserves reading. George
Meredyth's (sic) Shaving of Shagpat is a prose imitation of
the Arabian Nights, which I had not patience to get through.
It seems clever, but quite unworthy of him.
To HIS MOTHER
CAMBRIDGE, May yd, 1856.
. . . Your questions about lecturing, etc., I had already
anticipated in writing to my father, and I do not know that
there is any further answer to add now. You ask, by the
way, about hesitation. Now and then for a few seconds the
words do not come out freely, but that is only occasionally,
and never to a serious degree. I do not think it ever occurs
when I get into full swing. It has this moment occurred to
me that perhaps you may be thinking rather about fluency
than freedom of articulation; but the fact is, the word
' lecturing ' is rather deceptive. What I have to do consists
in hearing six or eight of the lecture-room read and translate
a few lines of Latin each, correct their blunders, give any
comments or cautions which the words of the passage suggest,
and finally retranslate it myself; so that it is not at all like
a continuous harangue, and nearly every sentence is directly
suggested by the book before me. I have chiefly directed
their attention to peculiarities of words or phrases, the exact
force of particular expressions, the history of important words,
and matters of that kind, which it would be difficult, if not
impossible, for them to scrape together entirely for them
selves out of books. For more purely historical matter I have
referred them generally to accessible English books, occasion
ally translating to them passages of German books which
seemed of particular value. I find myself quite unable to
overtake the amount of preparation for lectures which I should
like to accomplish, but I find the same complaint by all
conscientious lecturers at Trinity.
AGE 28
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
325
We are very well satisfied with our new organist, who made
his debut a week ago. Every stranger finds our organ
difficult at first, and accordingly on Saturday Hopkins1
blundered and struggled a good deal, though every now and
then came a difficult passage so well played as to show that
he was not wanting in skill. On Sunday he was quite success
ful, though, of course, not equal to poor Walmisley. He
fails most in accompanying the chanted Psalms, into which
Walmisley Used to throw an extraordinary variety and flexi
bility without changing a note, but in the anthems he plays the
brilliant and delicate parts equally well.
I have mislaid your last note, and cannot recollect whether
there was anything in it that required answering, except about
the fungi. But I am very much obliged for them ; they are
certainly the true edible Morell (Morchella esculenta), which I
have long wished to see. Berkeley calls them " esteemed
anywhere as a valuable article of food." About the beautiful
little red fungus which you sent me before I do not feel so
sure. . . . The little ' critturs ' in the wood I popped into your
little bottle of spirits of wine, but have not looked at them
since. In the vacation Mr. William Kingsley took hastily two
waxed paper negatives with his oxyhydrogen light to show me
how he applies photography to the microscope. The objects
were the spiracle or breathing -hole of a caterpillar, and a
Chelifer something like the one I found at Hardwick, but a
different species. He gave me the negatives, and I have just
taken some rather indifferent positives from them, of which I
have sent one of each, thinking you may like to see them.
To THE REV. GERALD BLUNT
CAMBRIDGE, May i^th and i8/A, 1856.
... I was much interested in your account of the strange
heretics you are fallen among. At the same time I fear I
should rave at them like a madman if I got in their company.
no doubt rejects the common doctrine because it seems
1 Successor to Walmisley, whose much regretted death occurred in this
year. Hort always regarded him as the prince of organists.
326 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
to contradict morality, and yet those vague sweeping theories
of salvation introduce a meaning of salvation which destroys
the very possibility of morality. All depends on our main
taining the inviolability of the will; and for finite beings a
will is no will which cannot choose evil. If he admits that,
but says that the continued rebellion of any is irreconcilable
with the triumph of God's will and love, then I say that the
present rebellion of any is likewise inconsistent with the
same. While that awful fact of sin is staring you in the
face, you cannot weave theories for the future that will hold
water, except by the German dodge of refining sin into a
lesser kind of necessary good, which is the very devil. " I
don't know " is at last the only possible answer. And I do most
cordially say amen to Davies' assertion that nowadays it is
much more essential to insist on God's justice than His love.
The idea of justice is so utterly corrupted that people oppose
it to love, and that blasphemy must be overthrown. I quite
allow that Davies made too much of the alleged contradictions
in Jowett ; but after all he devotes very few pages to them.
The purpose of the pamphlet is not to scoff at them, but to
protest against the sentimental atheism which is Jowett's
fundamental doctrine. Where he finds an essay that he likes,
he does praise it, viz. the last.
To THE REV. JOHN ELLERTON
CAMBRIDGE, June i$tht 1856.
... I have not yet told you my plans for the summer.
I am going for six or seven weeks of hard labour among the
glaciers and highest peaks of the Alps, eschewing the vallies
and ordinary Swiss lions. Lightfoot and I have agreed to
rendezvous at Luzern July iQth, spend a week in training
among the peaks of Uri, etc., ending at the Grimsel, and a
fortnight in the snow region of the Bernese Oberland (the
ascent of the Jungfrau and Finsteraarhorn being dreamed of) ;
and then make all haste to St. Gervais at the foot of Mt.
Blanc, where we expect to find Hawkins and perhaps Ames
or Watson, and thence ascend Mt. Blanc himself (this is a
AGE 28
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
327
dead secret) by the new route, thereby avoiding the extortions
of Chamonix. Lightfoot has not made up his mind how
much farther he will accompany us before diverging to Ger
many, but at all events Hawkins and myself talk of moving
eastward, crossing and recrossing the main chain till we reach
Zermatt, and then spend some two or three weeks in that
region, going up M. Rosa and as many other of the highest
points (mostly unexplored hitherto) as we can manage, and
then return home. I hope we shall find it an expedition to
be remembered.
To HIS SISTER, MRS. GARNONS WILLIAMS
yEGGisCHHORN, August 1st and yd, 1856.
. . . My last letter was posted at Lauterbrunnen last
Saturday. That day we did nothing particular. Next morn
ing we read prayers to a fparty of present and old Rugbeians.
... On Monday we started for Grindelwald by the Wengern
Alp and Little Scheideck. The day was superb, and we had
the best possible views of the mountains in a semicircle from
the Jungfrau to the Bliimlis Alp and Doldenhorn, then the
Jungfrau herself, and finally the Monch, Eiger, Mettenberg,
and Wetterhorn. We reached Grindelwald at 12, dined and
rested, and at a quarter to 5 set off on our first really great
expedition, the Pass of the Strahleck.
At Lauterbrunnen we had engaged a good guide, Fitz von
Aimer, and at his suggestion we took another (the best) from
Grindelwald, Peter Bohren. We had a very steep climb by
the ordinary path to the level of what is called the Mer de
Glace de Grindelwald. The precipices then closed in on the
ice for some way, and after winding along their face we got
upon the glacier for a few hundred yards, after which the
precipices retired, leaving a rugged triangular slope, in the
upper corner of which was perched the little chalet of Stiereck,
which was to be our night's lodging.
August $rd. — Lightfoot and I have just had evening
service, and now I must try to tell a little more of my story
before going to bed. While coffee was preparing, we strolled
328 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
about, and felt ourselves to be in a most amusing situation.
A number of goats crowded about us, with rather too pressing
familiarity, though we could not help admiring the pretty
creatures perched about in all manner of odd places, and as
inquisitive as cats ; likewise there were some aristocratic but
decidedly stupid calves and three or four pigs. Presently
supper was ready, and a funny meal it was, but by no means
to be despised. We had to cut our bread and meat with our
pocket-knives, and I stirred my coffee with a smaller one that
I had. The coffee and milk were in two great pots, and
served out with a wooden ladle. Of course we had taken our
provisions with us. After supper we went 'to bed.' The
chalet consisted, first of a little closet or scullery, where the
fire was ; next, of a little bit of a room with a table and two
short benches (our dining-room) ; and next, of a slightly larger
room or barn, with no furniture but shelves on shelves of
cheeses, the floor being strewed with plenty of hay. In one
corner lay two mattresses, or flat bags loosely stuffed with hay,
and between these we gentry reposed. The guides occupied
the loose hay. In our evening stroll we had meditated much
on fleas — in fact they were the one dark background to our
present amusement and pleasure — but happily the hay was
clean as well as dry, and we escaped unscathed, though the
heat and excitement kept me from getting to sleep. In the
morning I climbed over the rocks to a little stream and
washed my face, and after a breakfast closely resembling
supper we set off again at 4.15. We ascended the glacier for
some way to the other side, and then had a series of walkings
and scramblings up rugged banks and climbings over difficult
rocks, till at 6.30 we stood on the level of the upper end of
the glacier. Nothing could be grander than the views the
whole way, but especially at starting, when the range of snowy
peaks of the Wetterhorn stood before us in the clear starlight,
with a faint tinge of white twilight. We crossed the Grindel-
wald glacier a second time with great ease, and then had a
laborious ascent of the steep tributary Strahleck glacier on
our left. At 8 we breakfasted again, and again began
climbing over ice, snow, and rocks, till at 10.15 we reached
the top of the pass, and stopped again to eat, photographize,
AGE 21
GRADUA'
329
and look about. The Schreckhorn was magnificent, close
above our heads. The Finsteraarhorn had been hidden from
us five miles before, but the loss was made up by the other
peaks of the Aar glaciers, especially the beautiful Oberaarhorn,
often confounded with the rather inferior Lauteraarhorn. By
and bye we set out to descend the other side, having first been
tied together with a rope. We first had to scramble down a
literally almost perpendicular precipice called the Wand (or
Wall), but the very rugged and broken nature of the rocks,
with ordinary care, obviated all danger. The lower part,
which, being coated with ice, is sometimes more dangerous,
was made comparatively easy to us from the quantity of snow
on the ice. We slid down the lower slopes on our guides'
backs at a great pace. Just as we reached the bottom, we
met an Englishman with two guides, coming up the pass. We
then had a long and tedious trudge, with magnificent views,
down the ' firn ' of this arm of the glacier. This ' firn ' is
the upper end of all the greater glaciers, consisting of crusty,
powdery snow rather than ice. Presently the Finsteraarhorn
poured in its tributary stream of ice. The firn began to
change, and we reached the Abschwang, where the Lauter
and Finsteraar glaciers unite to form the great Lauteraar
glacier. We had a singular walk for miles upon the united
stream till near its end, where it became quite covered with
lumps of rock, over which we clambered to the granite banks
at the side. Tell my mother that the glacier stereoscopic
photograph is of the Schreckhorn and Lauteraarhorn range of
mountains. We must as nearly as possible have passed the
spot where it was taken. Once more on level ground in the
valley of the infant Aar, we set off at full speed, and reached
the Grimsel at 7.23 P.M., having been on foot 15 \ hours.
We ought not to have been so long, but we sometimes went
very slowly, and there were some needless halts.
As we approached the hospice, we saw two figures watch
ing us, whom I soon recognised to be Mr. Mathison and Mr.
Ingram ! We had expected to meet them before, but in vain.
We had a delightful chat before going to bed, but they were
off early next morning. Though not more than very slightly
tired, we thought it best to rest next day, merely taking a walk
330 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
of twelve or fourteen miles down to the Falls at Handeck and
back, and my old impressions of the wonderful grandeur of
the Grimsel scenery were more strengthened. We had fully
intended going next day up the whole length of the Upper
Aar glacier, over the Oberaarjoch, and down the whole
length of the Viesch glacier to our present quarters, but that
evening the charges for guides proved to be so exorbitant,
that we gave up the plan, and resolved to follow the Rhone
instead. Accordingly at 5.15 we set off up the pass,
having transferred our luggage to a porter, and then had
a most thoroughly enjoyable walk over moor and moss
and down through forest straight to Obergestelen, getting
infinitely grander views than I had at all expected. We
reached Miinster by the valley road at 9.30, had a famous
dfjeuner a la fourchette, and rested two hours at the little inn,
and then tramped for three weary hours along a broil of airless
road to Viesch, getting no shade except from some dozen
chalets in each village. At Viesch we dined, and rested
about four hours, and then climbed the steep mountain side
to this half-finished but most comfortable little hotel. Next
afternoon (Friday) at 3.41, after making extensive preparations,
we set out for a great expedition, no less than the ascent of
the Jungfrau, with two guides, two porters, and for a part of
the way with a Mr. Bradshaw Smith, with his guide and porter.
We had a stiff climb over a shoulder of the mountain, and
down to the curious little lake of Marjelen, with little bergs of
the purest ice floating upon it, and bounded on one side by
high cliffs of glacier, passing from snowy white into the
deepest blue. An easy scramble of a few minutes brought us
upon the astonishing Aletsch glacier, said to be the largest in
the world, a vast highway of ice from a mile to a mile and a
half wide and many miles long, leading into the very heart of
the greatest mountains in the Bernese Oberland. After walk
ing along it with thorough pleasure for two hours we reached
our stranger night-quarters at a little before 8, but these, and
also our successful ascent of the Jungfrau next day (which,
as we have reason to believe, has been ascended by but
two Englishmen before ourselves), must stand over for my
next letter.
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:AMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
331
To HIS MOTHER
HOTEL DE L'OURS, KANDERSTEG,
August Wi, 1856.
My dearest Mother — My letter to Kate from the ^Eggisch-
horn told you of no more than the fact of our having got
up the Jungfrau, and you will naturally be wanting to hear
more. One great difficulty about the Jungfrau is the distance
of its only accessible side from any good resting-place. The
route from Grindelwald is extremely bad, and it is question
able whether it has ever been accomplished before this year.
Professor Forbes, Agassiz, Desor, etc., made their great classical
ascent from the wretched chalets below Marjelen Lake. But
this year an excellent little hotel has been opened on the
^Eggischhorn, not much farther off, and the moment I heard
of its existence from Ames at Interlaken, I made up my mind
that that must be our starting-point. We found the hotel
still unfinished ; indeed, when we arrived, there was no glass
to the windows, but it was put in roughly every night, and we
enjoyed our quarters extremely. I should mention that the
Jungfrau had been on our list before leaving England as one
of the things to be done, if reasonable means could be found
on the spot. We both were well acquainted with the ascent
from Forbes' account. If you can get hold of his Norway and
its Glaciers, you will find it in the appendix \ it is very accurate
and good, but he must have found more difficulties from the
width of the bergschrunds and from a comparative want of
snow on the ice of the upper part. I had also read De'sor's
French account of the same ascent, and Studer's German
account of his own. Thus we knew perfectly well what we
had before us. Porters were sent on in good time on Friday
to take fuel and a blanket or two to our night's quarters, and
prepare them generally. We set out at 3.45 P.M. with our
two guides carrying provisions and our plaids, and Mr. Brad-
shaw Smith and his guide, who had not made up his mind
whether he would go on with us or turn in the morning over
the Lotschsattel. We had a rough scramble over two shoulders
of the ^ggischhorn and down to the wonderful little lake of
Marjelen, which lies between it and the Viescherhorner. But
332 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
I forgot till this moment that I had told Kate of our journey
up to the night's resting-place. This was in a triangular recess
of the Faulberg, sloping rapidly down to the glacier. Climb
ing up some steep rocks on one side of it, we found a place
where the slanting strata had left a kind of little cave pene
trating a few feet into the mountain. We perched as best we
could about the entrance and proceeded to supper. Finding
before starting that the landlord had provided only cold drinks,
we had got some tea from him, and, having now lighted a fire,
proceeded to boil it in a small stew-pan, our only cooking
vessel, and delicious it was, though without milk. After supper
we prepared for sleep. I forgot to mention that on the glacier
we met a young Austrian and his guide. Chapman, an Etonian
and Trinity man of Calthorpe's x year (I think also a friend of
his), a capital mountaineer, had the week before made his way
from Grindelwald to the top of the Jungfrau after considerable
hardships; and this had stimulated the German to do the
same with a strong body of guides and porters. At last he
had succeeded, but had now dismissed all the guides, etc., but
one to return to Grindelwald, and was proceeding with the
best to Viesch ; but, night coming on, and his guide being
ignorant of the Aletsch glacier, he begged to be allowed to
encamp near us for the night. Of course we gave him the
benefit of our shelter and some of our provisions, and he
joined us three gentlemen in occupying the inmost recess of
the cave, where there was scarcely room for the four to lie
packed as closely as possible side by side, with the rock 3
inches from Lightfoot's nose. I do not think any one slept
well except the Austrian ; I could not sleep at all, and had to
get up just as I felt symptoms of it coming on. In the middle
of the night, to our dismay, we heard the pattering of heavy
rain above the noise of the torrent which supplied us with
water, and presently for an hour or two a drop descended
every minute on our helpless upturned cheeks from the not
too watertight rocks close above them. I had made my light
little macintosh into a pillow; and with great difficulty I
unwedged myself so as to sit partly up and put it on after a
fashion ; but it kept me dry, and the leather case made still
1 Calthorpe Blofield, a cousin.
AGE 28
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
333
something of a pillow. We were up soon after 3, drove off
our cares with a good breakfast, and set off once more at five
minutes to 4. The rain had long ceased, and the clouds had
nearly vanished except from the Jungfrau. Mr. Smith had at
first decided on going with us, but after breakfast called off,
his guide having, as it afterwards' turned out, privately assured
him that we were quite certain not to reach the top, and that
the clouds would rest there all day. The Austrian, a silly,
chattering coxcomb, but obviously a good walker, told us we
should not have been able to get up if he had not gone
before, but that his track would now show us the way, and the
500 steps which his guides had hewed in the ice would save
us the trouble of doing the same. In reality the printed
accounts are so accurate that we could scarcely have missed
the way ; but doubtless our guides were saved some trouble
by the tracks for some part of the lower ascent ; as for the
steps, they were too much melted and filled up to be of any
use to us. Our course lay along the glacier nearly to its head.
It was now no longer glacier proper, but what is called firn
or neve> consisting of waves and hillocks of very dry, crusty,
powdery snow, with extremely few and insignificant crevasses ;
the ascent was very gradual, but steadily increasing. The
glacier ends in a col between the Jungfrau and the Monch,
the former being at the left-hand corner, the latter at the right,
each sending out a ridge parallel to the glacier. When we
had passed all the lateral spurs but one of the left-hand ridge
(called the Kranzberg), we struck off to the left up a constant
succession of slopes of snow of all degrees of steepness up to
42°, sometimes going straight up, sometimes crossing them
obliquely up or down or horizontally, and passing in part of
the way over some rather troublesome rocks. At last at a
quarter to 1 1 we stood on the Col du Roththal, a high depression
in the great ridge which separates the Vallais from the Canton
of Bern, and looked down (or should have done, if the clouds
had allowed us) into the upper part of the valley of Lauter-
brunnen ; as it was, we only saw gigantic ghosts of mountains,
which must have been the Bliimlis Alp and its neighbours.
Now began the real ascent. The highest peak of the Jung
frau is a cone or pyramid of rock, sheathed in ice except on
334 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
part of the N. and nearly the whole S. side, where the preci
pices will not allow snow or ice to hang. We went up from
the W. or S.W. side nearly in a straight line, with a precipice
a few feet (not inches, as Forbes seems to have done) on our
right, and a smooth round surface of snow-covered ice sloping
steeply away on our left. After 200 or 300 yards every step
had to be cut with the axe. Of course we had been tied
together all day, and our progress was slow, partly from the
cutting and partly from the extreme care which we took in
planting our feet. Forbes says that he once found the inclina
tion 48° ; the highest I obtained was 46^°, but I believe there
were steeper parts. A great deal was from 40° to 45°, and
still more from 35° to 40°. At last we reached the top of
the slope, not more than 3 or 4 feet below the actual top of
the mountain, which was separated from us by a ridge of snow
much steeper than any church roof I have ever seeri, even
abroad, and not an inch wide at the top. As the snow was
soft, however, we were able to walk along (for about 15 feet),
pressing our feet deeply in on one side and our alpenstocks
on the other, and so we stood on the top just before i.
The view was unluckily obstructed in many directions by
clouds, so that it was difficult to recognize the mountains
which we did see ; still the sight was a very wonderful one.
During no part of the day were we actually in cloud ourselves.
The descent required still more caution than the ascent, and
for the most part we stepped down backwards ; but as there
was little cutting to do, it took us only if hour to reach the
Col du Roththal. Our great difficulty all along was from the
guides, who did not relish the business, but refused to advise
us to return, though they used absurd tricks to induce us to
do so. Had they given us reason to put confidence in them,
it would have been very wrong to have persevered ; as it was,
we both feel perfectly assured that we were right in going on.
We had a rapid and mostly easy descent to the glacier ; but
there Lightfoot was seized with a quite sudden fit of exhaus
tion and sickness (arising, I have no doubt, from the thunder),
and, instead of reaching the yEggischhorn, or Marjelen, or
even our former cave, we had to drag him a long way to the
nearest rocks at the foot of the Grimhorn, and there spend a
AGE 28
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
335
wretched night in cold and wet with very little shelter. Of
course I surrendered my macintosh and slippers to Lightfoot,
and he got some sleep. I got very little rest, and no sleep :
and unluckily there was not a square yard approximately level
on which to walk up and down and keep oneself warm ; but
providentially the heavy thunder which came on at dark
brought hardly any rain. At 4 next morning we set off very
leisurely, and after several rests got home about u A.M., and
our good beds soon put us all to rights. I felt scarcely any
fatigue at all at the time or afterwards. On Monday we
merely ascended to the top of the ^Eggischhorn for its mag
nificent view, and on Tuesday walked to Viesch, and charred
to Brieg. Wednesday we charred to Susten, bussed up to
Leukerbad, and walked over the Gemmi to Schwarenbach ;
whence yesterday we ascended the Great Altels, a mountain
of great height and very rarely ascended, but called easy. It
happened that there was very little snow on the ice ; so that
in reality we found it worse than the Jungfrau (though no
where so steep as that very upright young lady is occasionally),
and had to cut an immense number of steps ; but we were
amply repaid by the superb view on every side, the clouds
being below the mountains till just as we were leaving. In
the evening we walked down to this place, where we mean to
stay, if the weather is fine, till Monday, and then cross the
glaciers of the Wild Strubel to Sierre, reaching Martigny on
Tuesday. ... I hope to be able to write from St. Gervais or
Chamonix about Sunday week.
It is very curious that our ascent of the Jungfrau was one
of three in one week (the others neither producing nor in any
way connected with ours), whereas it is believed that no other
has taken place for many years.
To HIS FATHER
MONT ROSSET, HOTEL DU MONT JOLI, ST. GERVAIS,
August \$th and i*jth, 1856.
. . . Our work for Monday was a glacier pass almost,
if not quite, unknown to Englishmen, and as far as we
could learn, hardly ever traversed by others, although it
336 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
has no serious difficulties. Starting about 4.30, we con
tinued above an hour nearly along the ordinary Gemmi
route, leaving it just where the precipice descent upon Leuker-
bad strikes off to the left, and went straight on or slightly
verging to the right over easy rocks and along the bed of the
stream till we reached the terminal moraine of the Lammern
glacier, which we climbed. A few minutes brought us on the
glacier itself, which was easy at first, but soon became harder
from its steepness and slipperiness. A little higher up its
crevasses became much wider and more complicated, and we
had a good deal of cutting with the axe and leaping. But the
skill and activity of one of our two guides (Melchior Anderegg)
enabled us to get along with perfect ease and safety. When
the glacier became level again, we breakfasted, and I took a
photograph of the pass before us. The next rise in the glacier
took nothing but labour up the steep slopes of snow, and then
after another short level we had a succession of similar slopes
to the top of the pass, a snowy saddle between the two great
humps of Wild Strubel. After dining, our guides thought we
should find it easier to try a lower pass a little to the left,
which we reached in a very short time. The view from it
was very extraordinary : 300 or 400 feet below us was
stretched an enormous plain or very flat basin of dazzling
firn^ two or three miles wide, the rim being sometimes
backed with masses of mountain or smaller rocks and some
times merely snow. Three passes were discernible on the S.
side ; the farthest, or most western, was the one by which
Anderegg had descended before, three years ago, but he said
it was difficult, and wished to try whether the others might
not be easier. It was at first proposed to make first for the
nearest, and then, if that should prove ugly on a near inspec
tion, to go on to the next, which Anderegg agreed with me in
thinking the most promising; but at last we decided to go
straight to this one at once. Just before starting we saw a
herd of six chamois crossing the plain as fast as the snow
would let them. At that distance they looked to the naked
eye more like the pictures one sees of ostriches running than
anything else. We had a tedious and laborious tramp across
for about ij hour, and then crossing a bank of shale,
AGE 21
iMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
337
found ourselves at the steep head of a valley, down which we
got with great ease on a bit of imperfect glacier, some snow-
slopes, and screes. Presently we were baffled by finding our
selves several times on the top of unmanageable precipices, but
at last we lit on a practicable passage by the side of the main
stream, and soon reached the upper pastures of the valley,
from which there was a magnificent view of the Weisshorn,
the imaginary ' M. Rosa ' of most Swiss guides and tourists
who do not go to Zermatt. I forgot to mention that in
ascending the glacier and from the first upper pass we had
extremely beautiful and interesting views from Mt. Blanc to the
Mt. Leone beyond the Simplon. After a while we left our
valley, and struck off to the right down awfully hot and dusty
zig-zags, ending at last among vines, till we reached Sierre at
about 5. As we wanted a night's rest after our walk of
i2f hours, and the diligence was to start cruelly early, we
charred next day to Martigny, and spent the afternoon there.
When the rain ceased next morning, we set off up the Col de
Trient, but had our view of the Rhone Valley much spoiled
by a thick mist in the distance ; but from the top the S.W.
looked so clear that we decided to go up the Col de Balme,
and were amply repaid by a magnificent view of Mt. Blanc.
While my camera and I were struggling with the difficulties
caused by the wind, Mathison suddenly appeared. He had
come up from Chamonix with a party of ladies, and was going
on to St. Gervais in the morning. We therefore gave up our
idea of proceeding beyond Chamonix that night. . . . That
evening we had a most extraordinary thunderstorm at Cha
monix. None of us had ever seen anything at all like it :
large masses of pale but brilliant orange cloud, throwing the
most gorgeous golden blaze upon parts of the Glacier des
Bossons and its clear pinnacles of ice, and on the snowy bases
of the three great Aiguilles de Chamonix ; while the sharp
peaks themselves above were quite cold with a ghastly lilac
blue. Next day Mathison, Lightfoot, and I took a return
carriage to the Baths of St. Gervais, left it at Ouches to continue
its route with the luggage, and walked over the Col de Vosa
to St. Gervais le village, getting magnificent views of the
Glacier de Bionassai and its peaks by the way.
338 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
When I began this letter I was alone, Lightfoot having
gone up the Val de Montjoie to cross the Col du Bonhomme
and see the view from the Col de la Seigne (which I had two
years ago). But two or three hours after his departure the
truant Hawkins appeared, along with Davies and Watson.
They had all ascended the Aiguille du Goute, sleeping two
nights at the Pavilion on the Col de Vosa, by way of explora
tion for our further proceedings. We are, however, much
bothered by the weather in spite of its fineness. For its
sultriness and other still plainer symptoms threaten stormy
weather, and it will not do to go among the glaciers again till
that has blown over. Lightfoot arrived last night (I am now
writing on Sunday the lyth), so that we make up a strong
party of five, all fellows of Trinity. This is a very delightful
spot in spite of its present heat. We are just on the acclivity
where the mouth of the Val de Montjoie begins to break away
down into the plain of Sallenches, St. Gervais-les-bains lying
at the foot of a ravine some hundreds of feet below us. The
people at the Baths breakfast at n, but we are going to
have a second service for their benefit ; and, as Davies has
brought a carpet-bag, and a white tie and black clothes therein,
we shall carry with us some shadow of respectability.
To HIS MOTHER
HOTEL DU MONT JOLI, ST. GERVAIS,
September 1st, 1856.
My dearest Mother — Still at St. Gervais, and perhaps for
some days more. . . . This week has not been idle, but it
has hardly been satisfactory. One great object of our expedi
tion this year was to ascend Mt. Blanc from this side. I
did not tell you before starting, fearing that the name might
make you uneasy. But we had the best reason to know that
in reality the ascent does not stand very high on the list of
glacier excursions for either difficulty or danger. Lightfoot
and I had all along believed that the Strahleck would be a
very good test of our powers ; and in May I was told by Mr.
AGE 28
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
339
Kennedy, one of those who last year for the first time made
the ascent from this side, that it was child's play compared
with the Strahleck. The Chamonix regulations, and all the
charlatanry which reigns there supreme, have made the ascent
much dreaded. No one is allowed to ascend thence without
four guides for each person at 100 francs each, besides a
whole army of porters, all of whom have to be fed (at mountain
appetites) for two days, so that the expense is said never to
fall below £,2S f°r each traveller, and sometimes to be higher
still. To crown the absurdity, you are obliged to take guides
exactly as they stand on the list without power of choice, so
that they may happen to be all bad ones. Last year a party of
Englishmen, not relishing these prices and regulations, got some
guides at Cormayeur, and for the first time on record ascended
the mountain from that side. Another party, Kennedy,
Hudson, etc., resolved to follow their example, but found that
meanwhile a corps de guides had been formed, who demanded
le prix de Chamonix^ and intimidated some hunters who were
otherwise willing to accompany them. Accordingly, being
stout and practised mountaineers, they resolved to go them
selves without guides, merely taking porters as far as the top
of the Col du Geant. They ultimately reached a point within
two hours of the top with great difficulty, and then were driven
back by cloudy weather. Having descended to Cormayeur,
they came round to St. Gervais, secured three chasseurs and
some porters, and took them as guides to the top of the Dome
du Goiite. There, the view of the way before them being
clear, and the chasseurs preferring to receive half pay for that
part of the ascent to whole pay for the whole, they dismissed
them, and went their way alone. They wished much to try a
passage by a ridge to the right past the Bosse du Dromadaire,
but not having time for experiments, pushed down into the
Grand Plateau, thereby joining the Chamonix route two or
three hours from the top, reached the top with ease, and then
returned by the Chamonix route. Later in the season two
Irishmen, Darby 1 and Reeves, came here and determined to
follow their example, but with guides. Darby was taken ill
almost as soon as they had started, but Reeves made a most
1 Darley : name indistinct.
340 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
successful ascent, returning to St. Gervais. Our plan was to
follow their example, pursuing the same route likewise with
guides. While, however, I was studying the geography
of Mt. Blanc at Cambridge, I came to the conclusion that
there was still untried one probably practicable route to the
summit by ascending the Glacier du Miage (probably from
Contamines) to the Col du Miage, and then joining the ridge
thought of by Kennedy's party near the Bosse du Dromadaire.
My idea was that, if we succeeded by Kennedy's route of the
Aiguille du Goute, we might try the other (with guides) after
wards. Curiously enough, on arriving here, I found that some
of the chasseurs were already full of the idea, having talked to
Hudson about it last year ; he had promised to come and try
in 1857, but they had thoughts of trying alone this year. As
Hawkins, Davies, and Watson had already been up the Aiguille
du Goute, the whole party were therefore fully disposed to try
a passage by the Col du Miage first. Accordingly, on the
afternoon of this day week we set out with four guides and
three porters, and slept at a chalet high up on the Mont
Morasset over the valley of Miage. Our bed was hay, and
one of the guides assured us that we need not be afraid of
cold, parce que les vaches sont en dessous, et vous en aurez la
chaleur. There were, in fact, not only vaches but cochons ;
but we should probably have got to sleep before midnight
had it not been for one pertinacious vache who carried a bell,
which she thought it necessary to ring in a vicious manner at
intervals of a quarter of an hour • and though, as Davies said,
the true hero would have been he who should have z^belled
the cow, no one was found willing to undertake the feat.
At 3 we started in the dark, at least with only stars and a
nearly new moon, which last was soon hid by the mountain
side. For three hours we scrambled incessantly round ridges
over rocks, constantly ascending by a very broken but not
really difficult route, then crossed a piece of glacier, and then
got on rocks again. At 7 we stopped to breakfast and put
on our gaiters, descended upon the snow, crossed the head of
the chief arm of the Glacier du Miage, and began to climb up
one of the long ridges of rock which reach from the bottom
nearly to the top. There was not much difficulty, except from
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
the fresh snow intermingled with the rocks. We all carried,
instead of alpenstocks, the haches or piolets of the country,
consisting of ash-poles 4 to 5 feet long, shod at one end with
a strong iron point, and at the other with a double iron head,
a large axe on one side and a long narrow pick on the other.
These we found very useful whenever there was a tolerably
large slope of snow, as we could hold on by the pick without
cutting steps except occasionally. We were getting on famously,
when the weather changed and a severe snowstorm came on,
the wind blowing small hail in our faces. It was in vain to
persevere in the teeth of such an enemy, and about 10 we
most unwillingly turned round, being then but ten minutes
(the guides said ; / should have said half an hour) from the
top of the col. Our only satisfaction was that we had had
thus far a very interesting excursion on ground never before
trodden by any but the natives. Having got off the ridge,
we returned by an easier route straight down the Glacier du
Miage, all carefully roped together in case of unseen crevasses,
but without accident. On Thursday Watson set off for Eng
land, and we were all rather inclined to follow his example,
when on Wednesday evening a sudden resolution was come to,
to try again by the Aiguille du Goute (a route already known
to our not too courageous guides), and not be frightened by
merely slightly unfavourable weather. Early in the morning
Octenier, the chief guide, was sent for ; he approved, and went
in search of the rest, but it was i P.M. before we were off. We
dined at the Pavilion on the Col de Vosa, climbed along the
Mont Lachat by a tolerable path, and reached the base of the
Tete Rousse just at dusk ; but here we were able to take to
the snow of the Glacier de Bionassai, and so easily ascended
to a little hut of stones perched among the rocks at the foot
of the Aiguille du Goute", reaching it at 8.30. A quantity of
snow had to be cleared out of the inside, but, in trying to
remove what lay on the scanty roof, the roof itself fell in.
However, the shelter was good from the wind, and we had
taken up firewood and blankets, so that after some tea we
lay down in tolerable comfort, and I got some sleep. At 5 A.M.
we started, crossed some snow and rocks, and a couloir or very
steep gully lined with smooth ice (now fortunately covered with
342 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
snow), and climbed a ridge of rocks like that on the Col du
Miage, but steeper. We got on unusually well, and reached
the top at 7.20. Here we breakfasted and roped ourselves,
reached the snowy top of the Aiguille immediately, and then
made for the Dome du Goute, a huge round hump of snow-
covered ice, getting peculiarly interesting views on each side
by the way. As, however, we mounted the Dome, a thick dry
cloud came on, and then a most keen piercing wind. We
crossed the shoulder near the top (being not above 500 or 600
feet below the height of the top of Mt. Blanc), and kept
moving on to the right for nearly an hour, till the guides told
us they could not tell where we were for the cloud, and dared
not descend, not only on account of the crevasses, but because
there might be danger of having to spend the night in the
midst of the snow ; nor could we stand still to wait for the
cloud to melt, lest our hands and feet should be frozen. As
it was we looked absurd enough, with fringes of icicles hanging
from our beards and the back of our hair. We had no alter
native ; so about a quarter to n A.M. we turned and retraced
our steps all the way. It was now a slower business to descend
the Aiguille, as the snow had become soft, but we reached the
bottom at last in broad sunshine, and had the annoyance of
seeing the top clear above us, and so it has remained ever
since.
To THE REV. JOHN ELLERTON
4 VICTORIA BUILDINGS, WESTON-SUPER-MARE,
September igth, 1856.
My dear Ellerton — I think I wrote to you last Monday
fortnight, after we had twice failed to conquer Mt. Blanc, and
Hawkins and I were waiting, a sadly reduced company, in
grim expectance to see what better hopes a change of weather
might bring. Two or three days restored our eyes from their
inflamed state; but Tuesday was all rain, and Wednesday
rather threatening. That day Hawkins went over to Cha-
monix and back, while I scrambled about the forest with no
particular object. On Thursday we were much tempted to
AGE 28 CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE 343
send for Octenier, our chief guide, and arrange for an im
mediate start, but forbore when we saw the glass low, and set
out for a moderate climb up the Prarion between the Cols de
Forclaz and Vosa, and then down to the Pavilion on the latter
pass. Here we were surprised to find Octenier with some
Chamonix guides. They were going up Mt. Blanc on our
side with an Englishman, and urged us to join him. This we
agreed to do, and at once sent down Octenier to St. Gervais
to fetch more men and some things which we should want on
the mountain, while we remained at the Pavilion for the rest
of the day and slept there. At 9 next morning we all set out,
and had an extremely pleasant day. The rocky ribs of the
Aiguille de Goute were tolerably free from snow, and we got
up with great ease, only incommoded by a cold wind. We
reached the top of the Aiguille at 6.15 P.M., meaning to sleep
there ; but found the wind on the top so violent and freezing,
and the only shelter in the rocks so unsheltering, that all
declared it would be death to lie down for the night. A pro
posal to push on over the Dome down to the Grand Plateau,
and so to the hut on the Grands Mulcts, where we might pass
the night and reascend next morning, after a rapid start, was
abandoned by the guides for sufficient reasons, and most re
luctantly we once more set our faces northwards, and pro
ceeded to scramble down the Aiguille as hard as we could.
Night was upon us, however, by the time we were two-thirds
down, and then came the rather ticklish work of traversing
the great icy couloir (inclined at an angle of 47°) and snow
slopes leading down to it with no light but that of one lantern.
We were very cautious and took plenty of time, thereby elimi
nating nearly all the danger. It was past i o when we reached
the half-ruinous cabam at the foot of the Aiguille where we
had slept a week before. It was tempting to pass the night
there and try our luck again next day ; but the overcast sky
soon caused a general vote for an immediate return to the
Pavilion at all risks. We despatched a good quantity of
supper, and then at near 11.30 set out down the Glacier de
Bionassai, mostly in pairs. The ice was very steep, and we
were not inclined to waste time on needless caution ; so we
got down in a very short time by a mixture of all possible in-
344 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
tentional and unintentional motions, of which sliding (of both
categories) was perhaps the chief. Then came a scrambling,
stumbling walk, almost run, down the Pierre Ronde, happily
without injury to ankle or shin. After a little exploratory
climbing, we struck the path of the Mt. Lachat. Here a
candle encompassed with paper made believe to give us a little
more light, as a good part of the winding path lay along the
edge of rough crags and craggy slopes ; but we did not relax
our pace. Suddenly we felt a sharp shower of snow and hail ;
and then pitiless rain, which never ceased. When we had
left the Mt. Lachat, but one mass of mountain remained, of
steep sloping grass without rock. Here we failed to find the
thin path which runs along the side. In the hope of cross
ing it we made a long traverse nearly vertically downwards for
a great way, and then another upward ; and then one guide
after another rushed off in various directions with the lantern
(the rain had long conquered the candle), while we stood in
the rain leaning on our axes against the steep incline of the
hill in such utter darkness that one might have touched the
other without being seen. But even the rain failed to drown
the excitement and enjoyment of so novel an expedition,
though it certainly did somewhat damp the high spirits in
which we had floundered down the glacier. At last, in despair
of finding the path, we climbed to the top of the ridge, know
ing that it must take us right at last, and pursued it till it
ended in a rough incline of wet juniper, down and through
which we flopped with some discomfort. At last at a quarter to
4 A.M. we reached the Pavilion, and after comforting the outer
and inner man tumbled into bed and slept till a late hour, when
we rose, breakfasted, and descended ingloriously to St. Gervais
through the close spungy air. . . . In the afternoon [of Sunday]
I read prayers in my sole attire, shooting jacket, flannel shirt,
black tie, beard, etc., and ' said a few words,' looking
terribly respectable. These ' words ' by their coherence, sense,
adhesion to the text, and charity, reminded me not a little oi
Cams. On Monday we dillied to Geneva, and slept there.
On Tuesday we steamed to Morges, railed to Chavornay,
dillied to Dole, and railed to Paris. ... I was able to reach
home on Friday evening.
AGE 28 CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
I have tried to develop four of the photographs with but
partial success ; and am going to leave the rest to be done at
Cambridge under William Kingsley's advice ; but I fear few
of them had sufficiently long exposure.
To THE REV. JOHN ELLERTON
HARDWICK, January istandZth, 1857.
My dear Ellerton — You are a bad bad boy to leave me
without a letter from July to January, and accordingly my first
letter for the New Year shall be devoted to stirring you up.
Last term seems to have melted away unawares. Though I
read incessantly for Coleridge from the day of my return to
England, very little was actually on paper when I reached
Cambridge, and so I had hard work for weeks, and at last
sent off to press without any revision. My allotted space
was 30 pages, but I could not squeeze into less than 60, and
so shall have to pay for the paper and printing of the last two
sheets. This is rather a hard case, but I made the offer,
preferring that amount of loss to the mutilation of my essay,
which is already frightfully condensed, little more than written
in shorthand. Indeed, I had to leave out dozens of things
that I wished to say, and nearly everything which lies on the
surface of Coleridge's writings, patent to the whole world.
However, I hope I have done something towards making
Coleridge's life intelligible, and putting any thoughtful
man seriously and honestly troubled with such questions in
the way of receiving benefit from the workings of Coleridge's
mind, and that is all that need be wished for. I have not
written for the public, and shall doubtless be castigated
accordingly. I hope you have not neglected the other papers
in the volume. Grote's, Maine's, and Francis' are especially
worth reading. Altogether the company is good, and likely
to become better, for Trench writes on English Dictionaries
in our next volume, and Gladstone on Homer and his use in
education in the next Oxford volume.
A good piece of the rest of term was taken up in editorial
work for the. Journal of Philology, and preparing a longish lexico-
346 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
graphical article on limes.1 There is nothing in the number
that would interest you, I fear, except an excellent paper of
Lightfoot's on the Galatians. I was absent for some days at
Oxford, having gone there to the first anniversary meeting of
their Working Men's College or rather ' Educational Institution.'
Its founder, Maskelyne, the Reader in Mineralogy, was in
Cambridge a little while before on a visit to Vansittart, and he
was anxious that Cambridge should not be unrepresented,
especially as Maurice was going down from London. It seemed
that no one could go but Roby and myself, and so we went.
I picked up Maurice on the way and had some pleasant talk
with him in the Great Western. He had been seriously ill, but
was much better and in good spirits. ... In the evening the
dinner passed off very well. Maurice's speech was very fairly
given (from the Morning Post^ I think) in the Guardian.
Mine happily was spared, unless it has got into some Oxford
paper ; I have seldom felt more uncomfortable than when I
sat down. The best speeches, except Maurice's, were Dr.
Acland's 2 and Spottiswoode's, one of the Queen's printers ; he
seems to have organized much such institutions among his
men as the Wilsons have done in their candle factory. It was
on the whole a severe proceeding — five hours and eighteen
speeches ; poor could not have survived it if he had
been there, for we had only two small mugs of beer for
dinner and speeches too. The Oxford institution is much
more democratic than ours, being got up and managed by the
men themselves, and five only of the teachers University men,
and they nothing but teachers ; but apparently no other
constitution could have succeeded in Oxford; and, by con
ciliating the whims of the Mayor and Aldermen, they have
obtained the use of the Guildhall and accompanying rooms
gratis, which is an enormous advantage. As far as I was able
to discover, they have hardly ventured to turn rhetorical
lectures into honest plodding catechetical lessons. That night
1 Journal of Classical and Sacred Philology ', No. ix. p. 350. The
article is an exhaustive and satisfactory account of the connexion between
the various meanings of this difficult Latin word, and is interesting for
personal reasons, because little remains of Hort's work on purely
' classical ' subjects.
2 Now Sir Henry Acland.
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
347
Dr. Acland came in to Maskelyne's to see Maurice, and we
had a most delightful midnight chat. There are few men
whom I have more wished to know, and few seemingly better
worth knowing. Next day I went to see the new Museums
now building from the plans of a new architect, Woodward,
who seems to be a true genius. I remember the plans being
spoken of in the Gimrdian, when they were chosen ; and at
that time they were called 'Rhenish Gothic,' to me a most
unaccountable name. I should call it nearly pure Veronese
Gothic of the best and manliest type, in a new and striking
combination. It can hardly be judged fairly for some months
to come, but I shall be much surprised if it does not prove to
be nearly the finest building in England, incomparably the
finest modern building. The inner quadrangle is surrounded
with two arcades one over the other, each consisting of a
series of pairs of arches surrounded with alternate slabs of (I
think) oolite and very pale old red flagstone ; the arches of
each pair separated by a polished shaft of marble or serpentine,
all of different colours, all British, and all presented by friends.
Between each pair of arches is to be a niche containing a
statue of some hero of science. Monro is now at work at
Galileo, etc., and Thomas is to do some others. That day I
lunched with the George Butlers, and had a delightful talk
with Mrs. Butler. Goldwin Smith came in, and looked as if
he could be a good companion, if he chose. I dined at
Wadham with Maskelyne, and in the evening he had a small
party, which, was not equal to what I had hoped. My old
friend Shirley was too busy examining to be able to appear,
and William Thomson of Queen's and his Greek bride were
engaged. I received a note from Finder of Trinity entreating
me to stay till Thursday, as our mutual friend Curtler * was
coming up next day, and he wanted me to meet him at dinner.
This was a potent temptation. I breakfasted next day at
Oriel with Arthur Butler, and had a very pleasant morning,
walking away afterwards with Conington to his rooms, and
getting a capital talk with him. He is really a thoroughly
great and wise man. In the afternoon I had a walk with
1 Mr. W. H. Curlier was in Hort's year at Rugby, and had a brilliant
career there.
348 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
Shirley, who likewise showed that he had lost none of his old
good sense. At dinner at Trinity I met several old Rugby
contemporaries, besides Finder and Curtler, and also Frederick
Meyrick (author of The Working of the Church in Spain),
whom I was very glad to know ; he has a singularly beautiful
face, and seemingly a corresponding mind. It was alto
gether a most delightful evening. Curtler, Shirley, and my
self had sat next to each other without interruption for
three years and a half before we left Rugby, we were
exhibitioners together, and I had not seen either of them
from that time to this. They are now both heads of
families, but are not a whit changed. So that you can
imagine what a pleasant evening I had. Next morning I
breakfasted with Conington. Mark Pattison was there, but
did not speak at all ; he is a thoughtful-looking man, with the
thinnest lips I ever saw. After breakfast I went with Maske-
lyne to the Convocation House and took an ad eundem. I
was very near taking a very ambiguous degree, for, as I
entered the Convocation House, I heard the V. C. reading
out my name as belonging to Trinity College juxta Dublinam ;
however the mistake was rectified before the more serious
part of the ceremony was performed. In the middle of the
day I set off for Cambridge. I should not forget to say that
Oxford is improving architecturally in various ways. G. G.
Scott has done a great deal for Exeter, and is building a very
beautiful chapel for Balliol. Jowett I was sorry not to see,
but Conington told me it is impossible to get him out.
I stayed at Cambridge till a couple of days before Christ
mas, and then went down into Devonshire on a visit to the
Bullers, whom I met at Venice two years ago. . . . One day
I walked over (three miles) to Ottery St. Mary, which was very
interesting to me both as Coleridge's birthplace and for its
own sake. His odd old father's monument is in the church,
and there are three families of Coleridges in the neighbourhood,
including the Justice's. The church itself is a very singular,
nearly perfect Early English abbey, with one Tudor aisle, and
an extremely elaborate reredos and other internal work of very
late frivolous and extravagant Decorated character. The
church has been excellently restored, chiefly by the Coleridges,
AGE 28 CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE 349
and has many beautiful points about it, but does not rise
above English commonplace. In a curious upper vestry we
found the damp and mouldering remains of what must once
have been a valuable library, beginning with Erasmus and
other publications of the early Basle press, and seemingly rich
in the theology of the Restoration. . . .
I am just now chiefly occupied about a proposed Cam
bridge translation 1 of the whole of Plato. Revised editions
of Davies and Vaughan's Republic, and Wright's Phcedrus,
Lysis, and Protagoras are to be included ; and the rest will be
divided between six translators, who are pretty certain to be
Lightfoot, Joe Mayor, Benson, Montagu Butler, Hawkins, and
myself. We are getting to work immediately, but shall prob
ably not begin to print till all or nearly all the MSS. (in
cluding short introductions and a few necessary notes) are
ready ; and then publish in eight successive octavo volumes.
My share (as at present arranged) includes some of the
stiffest dialogues of all; being the Timceus, Sophista, Par-
menides, Menexenus, lo, and the spurious Timceus Locrus,
Sisyphus, Cleitophon, and Definitions. We mean to keep the
matter quiet just at present, and not to tell even our Cambridge
friends : when we have made good progress a full prospectus
is likely to appear.
Another scheme likely to be carried out, if a publisher can
be found, is a Cambridge Shakspere, containing the text only
(at least in the first instance), with all the various readings of
the quartos and folios, and the chief conjectures of critics, on
the same page, like a well -edited classical work. This has
been a favourite idea 2 of mine for several years, and so it has
been (independently) of Clark ; and he is likely to have the
main direction of the edition, if it ever comes into existence. . . .
Vansittart is a pretty constant resident, to the great
satisfaction of us all, and, I think, of himself; he acts as a kind
1 W. H. Thompson (afterwards Master of Trinity) was to be asked to
edit the ' Cambridge Plato. ' Ilort worked steadily for some years at his
share of the scheme ; the Tiniu-its interested him most. The project,
however, languished, was revived in 1860, and at last reluctantly given up.
2 The idea was realised in the famous ' Cambridge Shakspere ' of
Mr. W. G. Clark and Mr. Aldis Wright.
350 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
of Cambridge 7r/oo£evos of Oxford men. For a wonder he is
gone this winter to Nice, but returns by the end of the month.
I shall be curious to know what you think of Bradshaw's
devotion of his life to the University Library. // is very lucky to
get him ; but I cannot help thinking that so affectionate and
genial a creature is thrown away on mere dry bibliography and
yet more mechanical work. But he seems at present to like it.
One great pleasure this term has been Trench's visits,
required by his being University Preacher for November.
The matter of the sermons was in the main solid and good.
The first, on John i. i, 8, was peculiarly grand and deep, as
well as courageous ; but I found no one except Lightfoot to
enter into it, and it was generally abused and derided as un
intelligible mysticism. The other sermons, which were much
more commonplace, were very popular, and restored the
confidence of many foolish alarmists. But it was in con
versation that I liked Trench best, especially at Thompson's,
with whom he was twice staying. He took great pains to
dispel the notion that his decanal dignity was going to make
him more of a don, and seemed vastly amused at finding
himself among what he called 'the shovelry of England.'
Sometimes, however, he was very grave and silent ; and he
seems (like Maurice, though partly on different grounds) to be
oppressed with a fearful foreboding of coming evils, especially
of an outburst of rampant and aggressive atheism throughout
Europe. . . .
I suppose you have seen Maurice's two new books. The
Mediczval Philosophy is a treat indeed : he improves wonder
fully as he advances by more and more allowing his authors to
speak for themselves, and keeping separate his own comments,
where any are needed. The accounts of St. Anselm, Joannes
Erigena, Abelard, Duns Scotus, and Roger Bacon are, I
think, singularly profound and beautiful. The wit and
elasticity quite remind one of his earliest writings. The St.
John I have just finished. It is not exactly a striking book,
but I do not think I have learned so much from any book for
many years, and that almost solely from its merits as inter
preting the life of Christ, not as expounding hard sayings of
the discourses. In this latter respect it is not very successful,
AGE 28
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
351
and there is throughout a painful swallowing up and oblitera
tion of subordinate truths that will, I fear, make the book
repulsive and unintelligible to many who might otherwise
profit from it : for instance, the language about the Eucharist
is very unsubstantial and far inferior to what he has said in his
letter in Fraser. On the other hand, it is a great relief to
find that his views about resurrection and judgment do not
lead him to reject a future general Resurrection and Judgment.
But I feel ashamed of saying a word against a book which
seems to me of such transcendent value, one that we shall
read and re-read years after he has gone as at once the most
helpful of lesson books for daily life and the most pregnant of
prophecies. . . .
Now I have written you a tolerably long letter l (though I
might go on for ever), especially considering that you are in
my debt. I want to hear from you about all manner of
things, inter alia about , who by inanity and stateliness
seemed to me at Cambridge cut out for a Belgrave Square
head footman. But I did not hear him speak. About public
matters of all kinds one can say only kismet. It seems to
me that 1855 opened more cheerfully than 1857. However,
bona verba. Do write soon and long. — Ever yours affection
ately, FENTON J. A. HORT.
TO THE REV. J. B. LlGHTFOOT
HARDWICK, CHEPSTOW, January $tk, 1857.
I like your recommending me to read the Plurality
of Worlds? It robs me of the fancied distinction of having
been the last man in Trinity to read it, as I did some
where about a year ago. We shall not differ about its
merits and interest, though he does pat planets condescend
ingly, as if they were Newton's head. But I did not need
' conversion,' never having been a pluralist, I believe ; at
least, not as long as I can recollect. When the subject
was proposed for the Seatonian a year or two ago, I was
1 Nine sheets of letter paper.
2 By W. Whewell.
352 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP.
much tempted to try, for the sake of taking a motto from the
beginning of ' Peter Bell,' — "Such company, I like it not,"
or some of the following stanzas.
My only doubt about your writing on vo/z,o? and 6 vo/zos
would arise from the question whether it is wise to treat the
matter as an isolated phenomenon of a single writer, the usage
being, as I believe, strictly accurate and grammatical. It is
really one particular case of the theory of articles and their
omission, on which I have often thought of writing, especially
in connexion with the logical question of the quantification of
the predicate. But more of this when we meet. You have been
so long about Our Lord's Brethren that you ought to produce
something soon. Why apologize for writing about yourself?
Never be ashamed of doing your duty. In the present un
developed state of clairvoyance how otherwise is it possible
to tell what one's friends are doing? / have been doing
scarce anything beyond reading some Timceus.
To MR. A. MACMILLAN
HARDWICK, January 6th, 1857.
... I am very glad to hear that the St. John 1 has sold
so well. I have still two sermons to read. . . . The book
disappointed me at first, perhaps because I had a wrong
craving for rhetoric • but I still think he does not sufficiently
get the steam up in the earlier sermons : they hang heavily,
and want the fire of the Prophets and Kings. But below the
surface there are deeper and more enduring (?) qualities, which
give a peculiar value to the book. I do not think it very
successful with the body of the discourses, or with most of the
hard sayings contained in them ; but nothing comes near it in
its power of showing their relation to the narrative, and inter
preting the narrative itself. Such a Life of Christ has never
been written. I cannot tell the number of deep matters, not
at all directly theological, on which it has incidentally given
me the truest help. It is at the same time a singular and
perhaps unconscious justification of Maurice's own method
and the purpose of his life.
1 Maurice's edition.
CAMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LI
The year 1856 proved to be the last complete year of
Hort's Cambridge residence till his return thither in 1872.
In February 1857 ne became engaged to Miss Fanny
Dyson Holland, daughter of Mr. Thomas Dyson Hol
land of Heighington, near Lincoln. Miss Holland's
family were intimate at Cheltenham with Hort's friends
the Blunts. A few days after his engagement he was
presented to the college living of St. Ippolyts-cum-
Great Wymondley, near Hitchin, and there he settled
in June with his wife, and entered on a new chapter of
life.
Of his marriage it is difficult to speak ; the whole
subject of marriage had been much in his thoughts for
some time past ; he had studied it, not in relation to
himself, but as a social problem of supreme importance.
" For many years," to quote from one of his letters,
" this particular question has filled a larger place in
my thoughts than any other, and I have anxiously
watched everything going on around me which might
throw light upon it." A series of most careful letters
too private for publication shows that he had attacked
the question from all sides with characteristic thorough
ness and fearlessness. He had reached the conclusion
that no life of man or woman attains its full purpose
in the single condition. The highest language in the
Bible on marriage, as illustrated by the union of Christ
and His Church, expressed for him the most living
reality. To him personally, apart from the conclusions
to which reason seemed to point, it was a necessity of
his nature to have one nearest to him with whom to
share his every thought It is no paradox to say that
this necessity was the natural outcome of his reserve ;
reserved and sensitive as he was to the highest degree,
he had always even in college days opened his whole
VOL. I 2 A
354 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP, iv
mind to his one or two intimate friends, and marriage
afforded him now full satisfaction of the craving which
had driven him to communicate his thoughts and feel
ings to Blunt and Ellerton. Without marriage the full
humanity which endeared him to so many would have
been incomplete. He deprecated vehemently the idea
that books were his life ; he preferred to call them his
' tools.' " I have never," he once said, " cared much
for books, except in so far as they might help to quicken
our sense of the reality of life, and enable us to enter
into its right and wrong " ; or again, " Such entities as
scholar, author, clergyman, and the like, are worthless
and worse for all else except so far as they are rooted
in the entire man, first of all, and last of all."
Moreover, his sense of the meaning of home was
very strong ; he had never forgotten Leopardstown,
and now, looking forward to his marriage, he speaks of
" being about to carry on the old home life, the heavenly
calm of which seems so strangely distant across the
restlessness of intervening years." His college rooms,
he said, had been " the best substitute for a home, but
nothing in any wise like a home." The interest which
he showed in the smallest details of preparation was
illustrative of the feeling attached to the change, in
which nothing was too small to be important.
The parting from Cambridge was, however, doubt
less a severe wrench ; his interests in the place had
grown every year, and he was taking an important
part in the graduate life of the University. He was
consulted by all sorts of men on a great variety of
subjects, and his correspondents had lately come to be
very numerous. "Your letter," wrote one of them,
" confirms me in the impression which I had formed,
that it would be difficult to consult you on any subject
AGE 21
:AMBRIDGE : GRADUATE LIFE
that you would not throw light upon." Yet marriage
and parish work caused no cessation of his many-sided
activity. Throwing himself with entire devotion into
every task which his new work laid upon him, he still
pursued the aims, which as a scholar and thinker at
Cambridge he had set before himself, with vigour and
hopefulness quickened by the sympathy with which his
life had been newly blessed.
To THE REV. B. F. WESTCOTT
CHETTON RECTORY, BRIDGENORTH,
February 2ydy 1857.
My dear Westcott — In spite of the vagueness of my last
note you will perhaps have been looking for me before this
time. I may therefore as well say at once that the ' business '
which has detained me has been of a tolerably engrossing
character. The result of it is that I am going to be married.
All particulars I must reserve till we meet ; but it seems
as if all the perfectness of the one great blessing were coming
upon me.
You must not suppose that this change of condition will
alter my literary plans. On the contrary, I hope to go on with
the New Testament text more unremittingly at St. Ippollits
(sic) (which living, near Hitchin, I forgot to say that I have
taken) than at Cambridge.
CHAPTER V
ST. IPPOLYTS
1857-1863. Age 29-35.
THE village of St. Ippolyts is about two miles from
Hitchin, lying a little way off the road from Hitchin
to London. The vicarage has a large garden, and is
an almost ideal country parsonage. Fortunately a
careful description of the place and its people by Hort
himself is extant in a letter1 to Mr. Gerald Blunt.
Of society, of course, there was not much, but
several neighbours became before long intimate friends.
A few yards from the vicarage lived Mrs. Amos, at a
house called St, Ibbs, a still further abbreviated form
of St. Hippolytus' name ; she was the kindly squireen
of the village, and her son, Sheldon Amos, author of
many works on constitutional and international law,
was Hort's companion in many afternoon walks, in the
course of which they discussed at large political and
philosophical questions. The vicar of Hitchin was
another ex-fellow of Trinity, the Rev. Lewis Hensley,
and the rural dean, the Rev. G. Blomfield, became a
close ally. At Hitchin were Mr. J. H. Tuke, author of
Irish Distress and its Remedies, and other pamphlets on
similar subjects, and Mr. Frederick Seebohm, author
1 See pp. 388-90.
CHAP. V
>T. IPPOLYTS
357
of The Oxford Reformers, The English Village Com
munity, etc. Some other neighbours, who, like a
considerable number of prominent Hitchin people,
belonged to the Society of Friends, came frequently
to St. Ippolyts' Church to hear Hort preach. When
the Ladies' College was founded at Hitchin, some of the
students used now and then to come over on Sundays ;
one of these, Miss Welsh, now Principal of Girton
College, thus gives her recollections : —
Mr. Hort was still at St. Ippolyts when I entered as a
student in 1871, and I well remember how, attracted by what
we heard of him from his former pupils (see vol. ii. p. 57), some
other students of my own year and myself walked over one
Sunday in our first term to morning service at St. Ippolyts to
hear him preach. I can still recall the pleasant walk through
the Hertfordshire lanes, hung with bramble and wild clematis,
and the pretty village at the end with its quaint old church,
and, above all, the delight with which we listened to the first
of the many sermons we heard within its walls. I cannot
analyse the characteristics in those sermons which produced
such an effect, but what I remember best is the impression of
h extraordinary breadth which his treatment of the text always
conveyed, and the earnestness of delivery which lent weight
to every word. It was marvellous to find such a wealth of
thought, such manifest carefulness of preparation in addresses
to a village audience.
At Hitchin and afterwards at Welwyn, six miles
from St. Ippolyts, lived Mr. C. W. Wilshere, a genial
and generous neighbour, himself a student of ecclesi
astical history and antiquities.
Very soon after his coming into residence two of
Hort's chief Cambridge friends, George Brimley and
Daniel Macmillan, were removed by death. The
memoir of the latter, by Mr. Thomas Hughes, published
in 1882, bears witness to a noble and affectionate nature.
358 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP.
He left to his friend as a parting gift among other
interesting Mauriciana, John Sterling's copy of the
first volume of the first edition of the Kingdom of
Christy containing many notes in Sterling's hand.
The story of Hort's country life is uneventful
enough. At first it was most peacefully happy, it was
only by degrees that he became conscious that this was
not the work for which he was best fitted ; in 1861 he
expressed to Mr. Westcott his doubts on the subject.
But he never came to feel that it was in any sense
unworthy of his powers. When, after fifteen years of
parochial ministry, he returned to Cambridge and very
different tasks, he was always distressed if any one spoke
with the feeling that he had been wasted on a country
village. The care of his humble parishioners was in
his eyes a work second in dignity to no other. He
took up the charge with enthusiasm, and his interest
in it never abated. The work itself was one for which
he had definitely been preparing himself for years past ;
it was that which from his earliest days he had made
his deliberate choice. His recreations also were just
what he would have chosen ; he loved the country and
the simple living ; the garden was his constant delight ;
it was wild and overgrown when he came, and many
afternoons were given to felling and pruning, the
planning of beds, or the stocking of his Swiss corner.
It had been carefully laid out by his predecessor, Mr.
Steel, and planted with rare and beautiful trees. But
Mr. Steel, who was a Harrow master, was often non
resident, and the place had fallen into neglect. It was
Hort's great delight to reduce it to order, and preserve
what he could of the original planting.
He could not but bring new life with him wherever he
came ; nothing to him was dull even in the routine of
ST. IPPOLYTS
359
vestries, schools, and clubs ; he taught in both week-day
and Sunday schools ; the Church services under his
direction began to revive ; the music was among his
earliest cares, and he took great pains in his preaching
to bring home to the people the distinctive services of
the Christian year. To all the details of a country clergy
man's life he brought a spirit for which 'conscientiousness'
is too cold a word. The fact remains, however, that in
the course of years the conviction grew on him that this
was not his true sphere. His extreme sensitiveness and
shyness were real hindrances, and he was well aware of
the fact ; valuing reticence as he did, he lamented that
freer intercourse was not possible for him. Again, his
sense of responsibility was almost morbidly acute, the
delinquencies of the villagers weighed on his mind as
though caused by negligence of his own. In the
parochial visits, which he paid to church people and
Dissenters alike, his manner was most humble and
tender, but he felt all along unable to speak to the
people as he longed to do. He was and is regarded
by them with reverent affection, but they must have
felt, as he did, the barrier of his reserve. It would be
most unjust to them to say that they did not appreciate
him ; if words were few, there was no mistaking the
man's life. It was long after his departure before he
revisited the parish, though he was frequently asked to
do so ; he shrank from going, from an ever-present
feeling that he had failed there, that he had not done
all that he aspired to do for his flock. When at length,
after many years, he appeared one day in the church
for a wedding, it was touching to see the hands of the
villagers outstretched from every pew, and to hear the
frequent appeal, " Don't you remember me, sir ? I was
so-and-so," greet him as he passed down the aisle.
360 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP.
It was in the production of sermons that the
difficulty of finding expression for his thoughts was
most felt. It seemed as though the message which he
longed to give lay too deep in his own heart to be
uttered abroad. The difficulty was also doubtless of
physical origin. The subject of a sermon was generally
chosen early in the week. It was thought over per
petually, and towards the end of the week he began to
write ; but he had hardly ever finished before the early
hours of Sunday morning, and he would often sit hour
after hour, pen in hand, but apparently dumb, till the
words came at last, sometimes in a rush. Extreme
fastidiousness was in part the cause of this remarkable
aphasia, a habit of mind which, while it secured that
nothing from his hand should see the light which he
might afterwards wish to recall, yet deprived his hearers
of much which they would have welcomed, even in what
he considered an imperfect shape, since the perfection
at which he aimed was always indefinitely beyond his
present achievement. But it would be easy to exaggerate
the importance of this fastidiousness ; at all events the
peculiarity was more moral than intellectual, the sense
of responsibility was almost crushing. Nor did the
difficulty decrease with time ; he had always felt it,
and he came to feel it not less but more as time went
on, and the greater the occasion the more terrible
became the struggle to put his thought into words. A
notable instance of this was a sermon which he preached
at Cambridge after Maurice's death ; this nearly caused
a serious illness. His last and most painful effort of
the kind was the sermon preached in Westminster Abbey
at the consecration of Dr. Westcottas Bishop of Durham.1
In the case of village sermons there was the added
1 See vol. ii. pp. 371-4.
ST. IPPOLYTS
difficulty of making himself plain enough for his con
gregation ; this, however, he undoubtedly in great
measure overcame. His village sermons show the
same depth and concentration of thought which mark
all his writings ; yet the style is wonderfully simple,
and there is no trace of the terrible strain of com
position. The simplicity of these discourses is the
more remarkable for the absence of any visible attempt
at ' talking down ' to an uneducated audience. But it
is the simplest writing which taxes most severely the
writer who has something to say, and one to whom all
expression was difficult found this, which to many is
hardly an effort, the most exacting work of a clergy
man's life ; the writing of sermons was to him at St.
Ippolyts and elsewhere accomplished only at a cost
ruinous to nerve and brain.
The principal literary work of these years was the
revision of the Greek text of the New Testament. All
spare hours of every day were devoted to it; occasionally
Mr. Westcott came down for a few days' visit in the
intervals between Harrow terms, when the two worked
together for several hours continuously every day. A
welcome variety of work was afforded by the ' Cam
bridge Plato' (see p. 349).
Hort had left Cambridge at an exciting time ; the
revision of college statutes had begun, and University
Reform was in the air. At Trinity among the most
earnest reformers was Hort's friend the Rev. J. LI.
Davies ; the views upheld by the party of which Mr.
Davies, Mr. Westlake, and Mr. Vaughan were the chief
spokesmen were vigorously assailed by Hort in a
privately -printed letter, which is interesting in many
ways, not least because this attempt to state the case of
the opponents of change comes from a rather unexpected
362 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP.
quarter, from one who described himself as a man
" whom his worst enemy cannot accuse of aversion to
reform." The arguments, however, as might be
imagined, were hardly such as were current among the
majority of University Conservatives. In University
politics Hort was always reckoned a Liberal ; to what
extent the opinions maintained in this pamphlet re
mained part of his maturer convictions I am unable to
say, but, when the new regime was established, he
certainly gave it his loyal support. This, however, was
not the only occasion on which he found himself hostile
to reformers in the interests of what he considered true
reform.
Towards University reform he once fairly defined
his attitude as follows : " I cannot wonder that the
prospect is alarming even to high-minded and open-
minded Churchmen. They see this University movement
caught up by the passion for trying exciting ' experi
ments ' on the largest scale which has lately seized upon
our sport-loving people. Aware that old and respect
able abuses need rough handling, and acknowledging
the timely wisdom of heroic medicine, they cannot
welcome violence which gives no better account of itself
than the necessity of doing something strong."
The title of the pamphlet is, ' A Letter to the Rev.
J. LI. Davies on the Tenure of Fellowships, and on
Church Patronage in Trinity College ' ; it is twenty-
eight octavo pages long, and is divided into three
sections, headed ' The Condition of Celibacy/ ' The
Condition of Holy Orders/ and ' College Livings.'
On the marriage question one of the chief contentions
of the advocates of the proposed change was the
difficulty under celibate conditions of retaining com
petent lecturers ; to this Hort replied " that the loss of
ST. IPPOLVTS
363
good experienced lecturers was compensated by the
is
freshness of young lecturers " (" routine," he said,
a much worse evil than the possible awkwardness of a
novice "), and by " the teaching and influence of many
private tutors " : if, however, more was required, an
inducement to residence might be provided " by dividing
the tutorships in Trinity." But the greatest strength
of his attack lay in his recognition of the value
of ' temporary celibacy ' ; for permanent celibacy, or
perpetual vows of any kind, he had nothing to say ;
recognising, as he had good reason to do, marriage as
the " greatest of human blessings," he yet believed that
between boyhood and marriage a period of temporary
and voluntarily imposed celibacy was of the greatest
advantage, at least to University men ; and he could
see no reason why a small percentage of the community
should not be made to defer marriage to an age which,
after all, would in most cases not be very late, earlier
probably than that fixed by Aristotle (thirty-seven) as
the best for entering on the marriage state. " I have
in view," he said, " a body of fellows, some of whom are
tutors and assistant-tutors, shading off imperceptibly
through the Bachelor scholars downwards to the
youngest freshman, carrying on a manifold work of
education on themselves and on undergraduates, partly
by instruction, partly by society." He had a very
great belief in ' college feeling,' and thought that it
was on the increase in Trinity rather than the reverse ;
in fact he valued the informal unofficial part of the educa
tion obtained by residence in a college above the routine
of lectures and examinations. And he thought that by
the abolition of the requirement of ' temporary celibacy '
the younger fellows would inevitably desert college life
for family life ; nor could he persuade himself that the
364 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP.
society of ladies was, as was sometimes argued, a
necessary humanising influence to the undergraduates ;
even under existing conditions the latter were debarred
from ladies' society for only a small part of the year.
He had himself experienced the good of graduate
residence, and was disposed to be rather angry with
those who did not seize such an opportunity of useful
ness to themselves and the college ; he could hardly
believe such persons competent to judge the present
question on its merits ; " those who leave the University
at an early stage soon lose their youthful prejudices
touching life in general, but have little or nothing to
correct their prejudices about college matters ; nay,
perhaps the new prejudices which they may acquire
become impediments to a truer view. There is such a
thing as hardening in inexperience." It is perhaps
right to add that Mr. Davies did not consider his party's
views fairly stated by Hort.
The controversy has long been settled, and it is of
little use to revive ancient polemics for their own sake ;
but these reflections on the ideal of collegiate life seem
to have lasting value. Even more valuable are some
of the thoughts expressed in this forgotten brochure on
the ideal of the ministry of the English Church.
Though not opposed to a slight increase in the number
of lay fellows, Hort defended the principle of the old
' clerical ' system on the ground that the education of
the sons of English gentlemen ought mainly to be in
the hands of clergymen. The common sense of the
English laity would, he felt sure, be strong enough to
prevent such a system from ever acquiring a ' Jesuitical'
character. As to the evil effects of the change on the
clergy themselves he felt still more strongly. The
most emphatic part of the pamphlet is an eloquent
ST. IPPOLYTS
365
protest against the doctrine that the ' cure of souls ' is
the distinctive and exclusive work of a clergyman.
His declaration on this subject powerfully emphasises
truths which are at least as liable to be forgotten in
1896 as in 1857, and must be quoted entire.
... In all periods of English history a clergyman has
been felt to be ex officio a teacher or educator. This feeling
is now called secular, and we are required to believe that the
routine of parochial work is the only employment worthy of
one called to holy orders. By implication every master of a
school or tutor of a college is accused of violation of his
ordination vows. The doctrine has grown up parallel with,
and partly in consequence of the wider and more zealous view
taken of parochial ministrations, for which we must all be
thankful. But it is at least equally due to another dictum of
* the public conscience,' of the most pestilent kind, that it is
the clergyman's exclusive business to prepare men for the
future life, as the schoolmaster's for the present life. Such
an interpretation of ' the cure for souls ' follows naturally from
the degradation of theology. That intelligent laymen should
support it is a strange and mournful fact, since the next or
next but one step is to * direction,' and all that ' the public
conscience ' associates with Jesuitry. Against every such
heresy every devout and conscientious clergyman engaged in
tuition, especially college tuition, is a standing protest, and the
maintenance of a large body of such clergymen reacts upon
the whole English clergy with an influence which, if not great,
is at least greater than we can afford to lose. Further, breadth
of teaching implies breadth of study. The existence of a
clerical body at the University, drinking freely of all divine
and human learning, is a standing and not unneeded en
couragement to every hard-working curate who rescues a few
hours for science, or history, or poetry, or philosophy as well
as theology, to believe that he is not robbing his flock of their
due, or breaking his vow to " be diligent in such studies as
help to the knowledge of the Holy Scriptures," since practical
knowledge of the Scriptures implies knowledge of the creatures
and circumstances to which they have to be applied.
366 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP.
Theology itself is no less indebted to the residence of
clergymen at college, and that in two superficially opposite
ways. Perhaps the greatest enemy to theology just now is
popular zeal for its supposed purity. Nothing can be more
contemptible or more injurious to sound faith than the
behaviour of the religious world to criticism and science, now
shunning and denouncing them, now caressing and patronising
them, always trembling in vague apprehension of some un
known destruction of which they may some time be the agents.
The Universities are looked upon with a suspicion which may
soon become bitter hatred, because they are felt to be asylums
where the utmost freedom of criticism and science finds a
refuge and even a welcome, and where the engines of the
modern style of persecution are comparatively powerless. I
am too warmly interested on behalf of both criticism and
science to be indifferent to the valuable standing-ground which
they thus obtain, but I rejoice still more in the benefits to
theology. In such a neighbourhood theological thought is
compelled to increased depth and truthfulness. The science
of the most universal and eternal verities is driven back from
its tendency to become a science of names and entia rationis.
I do not mean that all the clergymen in the University are
free from the popular terror, though it is remarkable to see how
little — and yearly less — hold it has upon men who elsewhere
would certainly have yielded to it entirely. But it is worth
notice that, when a timid theological vote of the senate is
desired, its friends are obliged to summon their faithful followers
from the neighbouring parsonages.
Will these advantages be less, you may ask, if the resident
body consists chiefly of laymen ? As regards the interests of
science and perhaps criticism, I hardly know. Much in the
ecclesiastical history of the last few years suggests an impression
that a section of the laity are greater enemies to freedom of
thought than the clergy or any section of them. At all events
science can go its way elsewhere, without heeding what may
be said of it. But theology will certainly suffer by being
deprived of the wholesome association of which I have already
spoken. The extent of the injury can by no means be rightly
measured by the amount of theology actually proceeding from
ST. IPPOLYTS
367
residents. Salutary influences received at Cambridge cannot
altogether lose their power when residence has ceased. In
this and in other indirect ways the Universities act upon the
whole Church.
But there is another equally important benefit conferred on
theology by clerical residence. Anxiety to secure complete
freedom for both theology and other studies acting, or supposed
to act upon it, leads rightly to an equal anxiety for its sound
ness and security. There are many who hate the existence of
science and criticism chiefly as means of shattering our
supposed cloudy fabric. By all means let them try ; we shall
be the better, not the worse, for the attempt. But in abandon
ing the negative and now suicidal method of repelling heresy
by means of anathemas, suspensions, and the like, we are
bound all the more to labour for the positive strength and
fulness of orthodoxy. In this respect the clerical residents are
surely of the greatest service. Every influence of the place
counteracts the tendency to make popular opinion the standard
of orthodoxy. At Cambridge those who have sworn, as we
have done, to "set theology before us as the end of our
studies," and to "prefer things true to things accustomed,
things written to things unwritten in matters of religion," soon
learn to find their best protection against theological tyranny
in our sacred books and creeds, and in the genuine harmony
of the voice of the Church in all ages. Above all, the lovers
of antiquity and the lovers of speculation or criticism come to
a better understanding of each other, and are led to recognise
the mutual need of true permanence and true progress.
The same liberal spirit is shown in his words on the
" invisible pre-eminence of theology at Cambridge under
the old system." It was, he said, "an omnipresent
element felt rather than seen." In passing he criticises
severely recent legislation of a specialising tendency,
such as the establishment of a Theological Tripos, by
which theology " is exposed to the danger of assuming
a narrow and technical character." " A body of fellows,"
he continues, " bound to the study of theology is needed
368 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP.
as a counterpoise to the influence of the Theological
Tripos as much as for other purposes."
Finally, he boldly defends the existing system of
college patronage of livings as the " best possible " ; in
spite of occasional anomalies and evils arising therefrom,
" nothing can outweigh the benefit of keeping up a
multiformity of types among English clergymen, and
thus helping to save them from the curse of becoming
a separate caste."
The writer himself acknowledges at the end of his
pamphlet that " the picture here sketched . . . cannot
be taken to represent the actual state of things without
considerable qualification " ; he was conscious that such
a system requires a high standard of duty among those
who are to work it ; but he thought that even this
consideration was in its favour, since his desire was to
rely on men rather than on machinery. The pamphlet
concludes with a protest against subservience to public
opinion in questions of University reform : " A college
like ours is then exercising its most proper function
when it is counteracting the prevalent fallacies of the
day. We ought to be the refuge for forgotten and
unpopular aspects of truth."
It could not be expected that this letter would be
received with much favour among Hort's Liberal friends.
He was, however, gratified to receive from the Master of
Trinity (Dr. Whewell) a hearty and pleasant letter of
thanks for it ; and at Oxford it was welcomed by
Conington : Mr. Westlake wrote a rejoinder.
Among the parochialia which engrossed a principal
share of attention during the early years at St. Ippolyts,
Church music was specially prominent. Hort had had
no formal musical education, but his ear was good, and
he had very decided preferences in music ; he went
ST. IPPOLYTS
369
occasionally to concerts in London (and afterwards at
Cambridge) as a rare treat, and most enjoyed classical
music of a not very modern type. The barrel-organ in
St. Ippolyts Church was an offence which he could not
long tolerate, and he took endless trouble in the selection
of chants and hymn-tunes, to say nothing of the hymns
themselves, at a time when the materials for selection
were scanty and inaccessible : both chants and hymns
were daring innovations. He introduced the Church
Hymnal^ a book little known at the time. His work
in this field entailed a great deal of correspondence with
Ellerton, who about this time began to make hymnology
his special province : his Hymns for Schools and Bible-
Classes appeared in 1859, and contained four transla
tions from Hort's pen, of the ancient 'Candle-light
Hymn ' of the Alexandrian Church, of a Latin Epi
phany hymn (' The Lord of heaven hath stooped to
earth'), of Martin Ruickart's 'Nun danket' ('All
praise to God alone, Heart, voice and hands shall
render '), and the Easter hymn beginning, ' Now
dawning glows the day of days.' Hort also gave
substantial help to Ellerton and the other compilers of
Cliurch Hymns, to which collection he contributed the
translation beginning, * Thou Glory of Thy chosen
race,' and the Easter hymn above mentioned.1
At the end of 1857 the Alpine Club was started.
A sketch of its beginnings was given by Mr. W. Long
man in the Alpine Journal for February 1878, which
sketch was completed by a paper of Hort's in the
August number of that year, the only number to which
he contributed. From this paper it appears that the
idea of the Club was first mooted in a letter from Mr.
W. Mathews to Hort, written February I st, 1857: "I
1 See Appendix I.
VOL. I 2 B
370 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP.
want you to consider," he says, " whether it would not
be possible to establish an Alpine Club, the members of
which might dine together once a year, say in London,
and give each other what information they could. Each
member, at the close of any Alpine tour in Switzerland
or elsewhere, should be required to furnish to the
President a short account of all the undescribed ex
cursions he had made, with a view to the publication of
an annual or bi-annual volume. We should thus get a
good deal of useful information in a form available to
the members. Alpine tourists now want to know the
particulars of the following courses, which I believe have
been recently made, Finsteraarhorn, Jungfrau from
Grindelwald, Altels, Galenstock, Dom, Weishorn, Zinal
Pass, Crete a Collon, and many others." The formation
of a Club was resolved on at an informal meeting of
Cambridge men, held November 6th, 1857, and Mr.
E. S. Kennedy undertook the necessary correspondence.
In answer to his invitation Hort wrote on December
ist, criticising some of the proposed rules and suggesting
names. He was anxious to minimise the expenses,
especially those of dining ; his criticisms were the out
come of a conversation with Mr. Vaughan Hawkins ;
he also conferred shortly afterwards with Lightfoot.
It is interesting to note that he suggested Mr. John
Ball as a likely member. The first dinner of the Club
was held on February 2nd, 1858: Hort was, to his
regret, unable to be present ; his name occurs on the
back of the circular of invitation in the list of original
members, which also included his friends Messrs. Light-
foot, Vaughan Hawkins, J. LI. Davies, and H. W.
Watson. He remained a member all his life, but
never held any official position in the Club. Another
of the original members, Mr. G. V. Yool, wrote an
>POLYTS
37i
obituary notice of Hort in the Alpine Journal for
February 1893.
After about two years of parish work it became
painfully obvious that some extra effort must be made
to relieve the res angusta domi which, in spite of rigid
economy, began to be a serious anxiety. It was not a
time when additional labour could be welcome ; the
overstrain of Cambridge years had already begun to
tell, though the breakdown did not come at once. But,
in spite of difficulties, some fresh work was inevitable ;
the literary projects already in hand could not be
expected to bring grist to the mill for a long time to
come ; meanwhile he determined to put his hand to
something which, it might reasonably be hoped, would
bring in quick profits. Thus it came about that more
writing was undertaken in the shape of some original
work in English History. But Hort required too much
of himself: after considerable research in what proved
to be a most interesting field, the only visible result was a
fragment on the Last Days of Simon de Montfort^ which
appeared in Macmittaris Magazine for June 1864. The
unused materials were handed over to Dr. Luard and to
Mr. G. W. Prothero. Simon de Montfort was to have
been one of a series of historical biographies for boys,
but the work grew to larger proportions under the
historian's hand. Mr. Macmillan soon observed that
Hort's contribution to the series was likely "to grow
into a man's book." Besides de Montfort he was to
have written on Grossetete, and perhaps Wycliffe ; he
consulted an immense number of authorities, causing
his publisher some alarm by the length of his disquisi
tions on minute points.
Another piece of literary work alluded to in the
letters of these years was a share in the Biblical Com-
372 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP.
mentary projected by Dr. William Smith ; Hort's
portion was to be the Gospels, Wisdom, and Ecclesi-
asticus. The project was eventually dropped, and its
place for Hort was taken by a new scheme for a
Commentary, to be divided between himself, Mr. West-
cott, and Lightfoot. This, though abandoned as a
formally common work, was never lost sight of, and
out of it grew various subordinate undertakings. Hort
worked at his own share year after year, and dreamed
of the completion for which many others hoped ; but,
strangely enough, it is only now after his death that the
world has an opportunity of judging what he had pro
duced to set alongside of the masterpieces of his
collaborators, the two successive Bishops of Durham.
A letter to Lightfoot, dated April 29th, 1860, suggests
the following apportionment : Lightfoot, the Pauline
writings and Epistle to the Hebrews ; Westcott, the
Johannine writings ; Hort, the historico-Judaic writings
(the Synoptists, St. James, St. Peter, and St. Jude).
A passing mention must be given to yet another
unfulfilled project, a non-party quarterly review, to
which Hort promised to contribute, as well as Mr.
Thomas Hughes and others whose names were closely
associated with the firm of Messrs. Macmillan. Mr.
Hughes was to have been the editor. The articles
were to be signed. Maurice gave the scheme the
following characteristic encouragement : " The ruling
idea should be the idea of civilisation, and all that
tends to it, the idea which informed Plato when he
wrote the Republic, and which was in St. Paul's mind
when he said ' we seek a city.' " This idea was to be
indicated by the title The Citizen. The Citizen never
reached even its first number ; publication was at first
deferred for a time, and then for good.
ST. IPPOLYTS
Mr. Alexander Macmillan also suggested to Hort
an English version of Winer's New Testament Grammar,
at which he could work, without much extra labour,
along with the Greek Testament text. He gladly
welcomed the suggestion, and intended to make the
book more than a translation. It occupied him for a
considerable time, but was given up finally when Dr.
Moulton's book l appeared.
Yet another book must be added to the list of
unfinished designs ; it does not appear, however, that it
was ever seriously begun. This was " a short but very
readable and, if possible, vivid Church History of the
Ante-Nicene centuries (including a life of Christ), using
as far as possible the works of the original records."
Six popular and comparatively slight lectures on the
Ante-Nicene Fathers, delivered many years later at
Cambridge, were the only fulfilment of this scheme.
It is sad work cataloguing books which never were
written, especially when the failure was due to no
falling off in their author's vigour and enthusiasm.
Yet the labour so bestowed was not lost ; it survives,
where the worker was well content that it should, in
the finished works which others have been able to
accomplish. Nor is the record after all one only of
half- accomplishment. While various other tasks in
vited, they never distracted him from that which was
to prove the chief complete work of his life, the revision
of the text of the Greek Testament. At one time he
thought of adding to it a translation ; in this he in
tended to insert " many notes of interrogation, or other
marks of uncertainty of interpretation as well as of
reading." This purpose was, of course, superseded by
the work of the Revision Committee formed in 1870.
1 See vol. ii. pp. 134-5.
374 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP.
The Greek Text itself had proved a much slower work
than had been anticipated ; but this was not a matter
for regret, as the delay gave opportunity for using the
fresh light supplied by the work of Tregelles and of
Tischendorf. Hort had been for some time in corre
spondence with the former. He had communicated to
him his own and Mr. Westcott's scheme in 1857, and
had received from him hearty approval and promises
of help. Dr. Tregelles' own First Part appeared in
July of that year, and was reviewed by Hort, along with
part of Tischendorf's seventh edition in the Journal of
Classical and Sacred Philology, vol. iv. No. xi. This
and other reviews by Hort in the same Journal (1855-
1860) of the work of Tregelles, Tischendorf, and
Scrivener are important as showing how the principles
of his own edition were developing in his mind. The
readings of the Codex Sinaiticus became accessible in
1863. It was in 1859 that Hort and his collaborator
adopted the plan of doing their work by correspond
ence, each working out separately his own results, and
then submitting them to the other's judgment.
For one who like Hort combined with his devotion
to theology an ever-fresh enthusiasm for science and
criticism, the year 1860, in which fell the controversies
aroused by the publication of the Origin of Species and
of Essays and Reviews, was to a very high degree
exciting. Discussion of these two books fills a large
part of his letters for some months, and on the subjects
of both he burned to speak openly; yet here again
eventually speech failed him. He had been invited to
co-operate in Essays and Reviews, but declined in a
very interesting letter to Dr. Rowland Williams. He
contributed four years later to the Record^ a vigorous
1 Record, April 27th, 1864.
ST. IPPOLYTS
375
answer to an attack on Dr. Jowett's Greek scholarship,
which he believed would never have been assailed
" by any scholar worthy of the name in the absence
of theological causes of difference." The immediate
occasion of the attack was the controversy at Oxford
over the endowment of the Greek Professorship, in
which Professor Jowett's contribution to Essays and
Reviews was brought up against him, and his oppo
nents found fault with his scholarship, quoting in
support of their criticisms some remarks by Lightfoot
and Hort in the Journal of Philology ; the former
directly, in a review of Stanley's and Jowett's editions
of St. Paul's Epistles, the latter in an answer to a
contributor's defence of a lax rendering of Greek tenses,
had criticised the Oxford Professor's methods of trans
lation. But, when his authority was quoted against
Jowett, Hort, with Lightfoot's full concurrence, ex
plained that they had been criticising, not ' ignorance,'
but what seemed to them ' erroneous opinions ' ; and
that in fact these opinions as to the rendering of New
Testament Greek were not peculiar to Professor Jowett,
but belonged to the interpretative method which was
' generally in use in England till very lately, while
the stricter method now coming into vogue was due
almost entirely to Germany.' Otherwise Hort took
no public part in the controversies which arose directly
or indirectly out of Essays and Reviews. All that he
actually wrote on the subject apparently was a criticism
of Mark Pattison's essay, which the latter declared to
be very valuable, regretting that he had not seen it
before the publication of the volume. Hort con
sidered the tracts on Essays and Reviews issued by
Maurice and Mr. T. Hughes inadequate, and he
deplored the * smartness ' of Stanley's famous Edin-
376 FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT CHAP.
burgh Review article. A joint volume of essays in
reply to the book was meditated by Hort, Lightfoot,
and Mr. Westcott, but came to nothing. When it was
abandoned, Hort contemplated writing himself an essay
called ' Doctrine, Human and Divine,' but this too
remained an unaccomplished task. Such an essay,
however, he continued to think about for a long time.
His Hulsean Lectures delivered in 1871, and published
at length in 1893, were in some sense a realisation of
this long-cherished hope.
At the end of 1859 he had been obliged to leave
his parish by a breakdown in health. A water-cure at
Malvern was the partially successful remedy ; but it
was necessary for the next two years to take a long
summer outing. He was abroad with his wife from
May to October 1860, gradually rising from sub-
alpine places such as Les Avants and Villard to the
highest accessible habitation. A whole month was
spent at the little Riffelberg Hotel, now superseded for